Michael Speransky. Statesman of Imperial Russia, 1772–1839 - Marc Raeff

(Chris Devlin) #1
234 GOVERNING RUSSIA'S PROVINCES

functions, the nobleman would shake off his usual passivity, for these
were matters that affected his own personal and class interests. This

was what Catherine II had expected. It would have been a significant

contribution to the development of a self-reliant, active, educated and
experienced nobility whose services would be of use in the capital of
the Empire as well as in the provinces. But, as pointed out, these hopes
did not materialize. Many local nobles were so poorly educated as to be
ineligible for any office. Many others were too poor to afford the
expenses connected with active participation in provincial assemblies
and public affairs. Their very poverty put tl\em at the mercy of rich
magnates whose clients they became. Personal jealousies, petty rivalries
for prestige, and lack of political experience rent the yearly provincial
assemblies of the nobility. Magnates formed factions, and their clients
deepened and perpetuated the discord. Sometimes petty squabbles
ended in open fights, so that the governor had to intervene to secure
a proper election of candidates to office. Naturally, such interventions


  • either at his own initiative or at the request of the nobility itself -
    enhanced the governor's power. As the governor could also refuse his
    approval to the assembly's choice of a marshal, his influence outweighed
    by far that of the nobility'S.
    The governor's importance grew still more in the reign of Alexander
    I who usually appointed his personal friends, and who recalled them
    to the capital after a relatively short period. Expectation of the gover-
    nor's future influence in St. Petersburg tended to make him still
    stronger, more powerful, and "autocratic" during his stay in. the
    province. Experience also soon taught that in case of conflict between
    the governor and the provincial marshal of the nobility, Alexander I
    invariably supported the governor as more trustworthy. In addition the
    bureaucratic machinery was entirely under the governor's control. Little
    wonder that he was well nigh an unlimited ruler; and in some cases,
    alas not too infrequent, the governor tyrannized the province for a
    long time without being called to account.
    The assembly of the nobility, the marshal, the Land Captains, and
    the local judges were reduced to the role of mere executors of the orders
    and regulations issued by St. Petersburg or the governor. Such a subor-
    dinate and "menial" role was particularly characteristic of the office
    of the ispravnik (Land Captain), the local police and executive officer.
    As early as 1803 Speransky had asked: "In what way can a zemskii
    ispravnik [chosen] among the poor nobles, for a piece of bread -
    and with assistance of men like himself - bring about respect of
    and. compliance with the law in an area of five or six hundred

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