Michael Speransky. Statesman of Imperial Russia, 1772–1839 - Marc Raeff

(Chris Devlin) #1
36 "CONSTITUTIONALISM"

These proposals were quite clearly the basis for an aristocratic, oligarchic,
"constitution".^1
Although these projects did not abolish absolutism in Russia outright,
they were frankly following the example of those Western European
states where, by securing a dominant political position, the nobility had
been successful in checking the excesses of a monarchy's bureaucratic
absolutism. The implicit reasoning of the Senatorial party was that
the security and liberty of a Rechtsstaat could best be brought about
in Russia by first securing intangible rights and privileges for one
class of the nation. Eventually these rights and privileges - legally
guaranteed and protected by the Senate - could be extended to other
classes as well. The history of England, and perhaps Sweden, seemed
to them a telling example of the benefits of such an evolution.
We should not dismiss these proposals as merely unabashed selfish
"class" legislation. Undeniably, compared to the direction political
thought and practice had taken in the West since 1789, the program
of the Senatorial party does seem "reactionary", designed to protect a
social class that appeared on its way out. But we should not forget
that Russia was behind Western Europe in its political and social
evolution. And at least we can recognize that the Senatorial party
had "historical logic", if there be such a thing, on its side. The
Rechtsstaat and representative institutions had originated in the West
in a way that was not unlike that suggested by the Zavadovskiis and
Vorontsoys; political and legal privileges had first been granted to, or
won by, one "estate", the nobility, and circumstances later forced their
extension to other groups of society. In the meantime, the rights and
privileges of one class kept .monarchical absolutism and bureaucratic
arbitrariness within bounds; the monarchy had been weakened in its
ability to resist the extension of these rights and privileges; and an
important segment of the population had had the experience of political
responsibility. The classical illustration of such an evolution was of
course England; but even France under the Ancien Regime had
partaken of this trend, and so had Sweden and Prussia. All of this,
naturally, does not mean to say that the program of the Senatorial
group was the only or even the best approach to Russia's political and
social problems. But inasmuch as Russia's most pressing need was the


1 The model for this kind of "constitution" is to be sought in the example of
18th century England which Count Vorontsov knew quite well from his long
residence there. No doubt, the Senatorial party also drew inspiration from the
so·called "Col,lditions" (konditsii) presented by the dignitaries to Empress Anne in
1730 (On the 1730 episode see: P. N. Miliukov, "Verkhovniki i shliakhetstvo," 1%
istorii russkoi ill tellip,t'lltsii. SI. I'bg. 1903). )l. Raeff Plans for Political Reform in
IllljJerial Russia 1730-190'. Englewood :\. J. 1966
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