Michael Speransky. Statesman of Imperial Russia, 1772–1839 - Marc Raeff

"CONSTITUTIONALISM" 45

reforms in the face of a passive, or even unfriendly, nation. As Count
Stroganov, the most "liberal" member of the Committee put it: "dans
un pays despotique, ai-je Iu quelque part, les changements sont bien
plus faciIes et bien moins dangereux, parce qu'il ne s'agit que de disposer
de la volonte d'un seu!. Tout Ie reste suit comme des moutons. Cette
reflexion est bien juste et devrait rendre moins timide. Le tableau
de notre noblesse ne doit pas paraitre un parti bien dangereux." 1
The last sentence bespeaks the poor opinion the members of the
Unofficial Committee had of the Russian nobility in general, and of
the Senatorial party in particular.
The negative attitude towards the nobility as an "estate" gave further
grounds for Alexander's belief in the leadership of a bureaucracy
expressing the autocratic power and will of an enlightened sovereign.

It points to a fundamental conception of political power, a conception

which, as we shall have occasion to point out, runs as a guiding thread

through the actions of the imperial government during the period of

Speransky's activity. Novosiltsev hinted at it when he proposed to

amend the Charter of the Nobility of 1785 in such a way as to "obliger

la noblesse de sortir de !'ignorance dans laquelle elle croupit, en

interdisant Ie droit de sieger dans les assembIees de la noblesse a ceux

qui ne savent ni lire ni ecrire et qui n'ont aucune idee des devoirs et

des droits d'un gentilhomme." 2 Speaking for Alexander and the

Unofficial Committee, Novosiltsev was here stating the pedagogical role

of the government.

In passing, let us note two further characteristic traits of the

Unofficial Committee's method, for we shall find them again when

discussing the work of Speransky. First of all, the Committee laid down

as an intangible rule and principle that all reforms were to be

introduced in such a manner that there could be no doubt of their

expressing only the will of the Emperor, and not that of any "party"

or private interest. Secondly, the measures of reorganization were to

be prepared in strict secrecy, without the participation of "society"

and "public opinion" and issued all at once as the new and intangible

law of the realm.^3 A far cry from the truly "liberal" and constitutional

1 Cornte Paul Stroganov, II (annexe IX, Conferences avec l'Empereur 1801, No.

121, lS.xI.1SOl) pp. 62-63.

2 Cornte Paul Stroganov, II (annexe IX, Conferences avec l'Empereur 1801, No.

112, l5.VII.lSOI) p. 37.

3 As Stroganov explained it: "Une loi dont Ie silence a couvert les preparatifs et

qui sort de son sein sans avoir trouble Ie calme general par son attente, en

offrant en meme temps une obligation egale it tous, porte bien plus les caracteres

de cette grande loi de la nature, la necessite, contre laquelle les murmures, pour

etre infructueux, naissent et meurent presqu'en meme temps, que celle qui ayant