ADMINISTRATIVE ActIVITIES 1802-1812 75Finland an instance of Speransky's characteristically double pronged
approach to the problem presented by the multinational make-up of
the Russian Empire. He recognized, respected and safeguarded the
traditions and customs of the non-Russian peoples, without forcing any
special views, habits, or cultural patterns on them against their will.
At the same time, however, he prepared the ground for an eventual.
gradual, "organic," and voluntary russification by fostering those
features which make for administrative and social uniformity. Even-
tually, he thought in typically bureaucratic and 18th century fashion,
the political and social identity between the non-Russians and Russians
would result in a Kulturgemeinschaft, the strongest foundation for an
unitary, centralized Empire. This was the ultimate goal, but Speransky
understood much better than some of his successors in the Russian
government (and 18th century Western enlightened bureaucrats) that
this aim was to be achieved gradually, while respecting local traditions
and customs. Uniformity was the result of gradual displacement of
primitive and historical patterns by a more modern, advanced cultural
and political system. For once the romantic and historicist pattern of
thought indicated the method for achieving an 18th century bureau-
cratic and uniformist aim. As we shall have occasion to observe, in
most other instances Speransky promoted 19th century historicist and
"conservative" goals by the methods of 18th century enlightened
bureaucratic absolutism.
While the affairs of the Grand Duchy of Finland could be considered
to have been primarily administrative in ~haracter, Russia's relationship
to the events of the Napoleonic era was essentially diplomatic. Dip-
lomacy, however, was the domain par excellence of Emperor Alexander,
because of personal predilection and also because of his genuine
outstanding diplomatic talents. Whoever the official head of the
ministry of Foreign Affairs might be, the real foreign minister
of Russia was its Emperor. Like Louis XV, but more success-
fully, Alexander I had his cabinet noir, his own agents and his own
policy, which did not always coincide with the public policy of his
Ministers. Alexander had shown his independence and secretiveness in
his very first venture into the realm of international diplomacy, the
Prussian alliance of 1802. Both the Chancellor of the Empire, Count
Vorontsov, and the Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Emperor's
close friend, Prince Adam Czartoryski, were left in the dark until the
conclusion of the negotiations in Memel. Similar instances could be
adduced for any period of his reign. But in order to pursue such a
personal and secret course, Alexander had to have his own diplomatic