74 nicholas purcell
in respect of Mediterranean conditions, on the now venerable ancient model, and it
seems appropriate to conclude with his resonant and optimistic words:
The sea is beautiful in the eyes of God especially because it surrounds the islands, of
which it is at one and the same time the adornment and the protection; because it brings
together the most far-removed continents and gives to sailors unhindered intercourse;
through them it furnishes to us the investigation of what was previously unknown; it
provides the fortune of the merchant abroad; it improves easily the needs of life, allowing
the well-endowed to export their excess, and to the poor it furnishes the amendment of
what they lack. (Homilies on the Hexaemeron: 4.7 ed. Giet, 1950: 274–275)Endnotes1 From an enormous bibliography I have selected some general items to support the main
claims in the chapter. Much of the extensive literature on the ancient economy is also
germane. Harris (2005) poses some of the questions in this section, without answering
them. On the theme of integration, see for example Roselaar (2012). Mediterranean histo-
ries beyond Greece and Rome: Camporeale (2004), Etruscans; Archibald (1998), Thracians;
Aubet (2001), Phoenicians. The palimpsest referred to below, usually known after its
find-spot as “of Elephantine,” is most usefully accessible through Briant and Descat (1998).
2 There is a fuller account of the themes of this section in Horden and Purcell (2000). For
risk in ancient Greek thought, Eidinow (2007). Christakis (2008) is concerned with
Mycenaean palaces, but has helpful wider reflections. For the Mediterranean city, Nixon and
Price (1990) remains classic. On principal productive strategies, see for cereals, Erdkamp
(2005) and the remarkable Shaw (2013); on wine, Tchernia (2011); for oleiculture, Foxhall
(2007); and for pastoralism, Howe (2008). For salt and the early growth of Rome,
Giovannini (1985). Hin (2013) offers some rich thoughts on carrying capacity and demo-
graphy, centered on Italy, but of much wider application. For the circuits of connectivity
among new overseas settlements, 750–550 bce, see Malkin (2011), Purcell (2005). Bresson
and Rouillard (1993) remains essential for the emporion.
3 For rule “by land and sea,” Momigliano (1942) is still classic, though see further Abulafia,
this volume. For the Ptolemies, Buraselis et al. (2013). On the Athenian empire in a
Mediterranean context, Nixon and Price (1990) with Moreno (2007), Kallet (1993).
Piracy, analogous to other opportunistic displacements, is the subject of the acute study
Luraghi (2006); see further Backman, this volume. For the Mediterranean as a sea of slaving
the classic statement is medieval: McCormick (2001), with Rotman, this volume.
4 Mackil (2013) offers many new ideas on competition and cooperation between communi-
ties in the classical Greek context. On islands, Constantakopoulou (2007), dealing especially
with the Athenian Aegean. On changes of orientation between land and sea, Shaw (2002),
Purcell (2013). The luculent case of Thracian Pistiros is presented by Domaradski (2000).
New discoveries from Comacchio: Gelichi and Hodges (2012). For ecological macro-
regions beyond Mediterranean space, Briant (1982) is highly suggestive on west Asia,
though see further Doumanis, this volume; Batty (2007) deals with Danubian lands,
Cunliffe (2001) with the Atlantic world; see also Ruiz, this volume. For ancient links with
the Indian Ocean see Pollard, this volume.
5 For transitions to the “ancient Mediterranean,” Broodbank, this volume and (2013).
Striking claims for Greek prosperity: Ober (2010). For integration in the Roman period,
Moatti (forthcoming). The case for an acme of productive activity in antiquity in general is
well-rehearsed by de Callataÿ (2005). For the comparison of ancient and medieval societies
through the behaviors of elites, Wickham (2005).