516 John W. Wonder
356–360; Pedley 1990: 97–112), and modern critics often question Aristoxenus’ state-
ment regarding the people responsible for the presumed decline in cultural values in
Poseidonia. Aristoxenus was certainly aware of Lucanians as an indigenous population in
southern Italy, since he cites them as people who visited Pythagoras. However, it seems
that, at the end of the fourth century, Aristoxenus (and others in Tarentum) regarded
“Lucanians” as Italic people inhabiting the lands near Croton and Thurii but did not
apply the name to people who dwelt further north, at least with reference to events that
occurred in his own time.
Pseudo-Scylax (Periplous12), on the other hand, in his description of the coast of
southern Italy, cites the Lucanians as a people living considerably further north than
the southern coast of Italy. He places the Lucanians directly south of the Samnites.
The geographer provides a very short description of Lucania (as seen from the coast),
noting settlements from Poseidonia in the north to Thurii in the south. Under-
standing the significance of Pseudo-Scylax’s different conception of where Lucania
was situated is complicated by the fact that the date of his work is uncertain. Even
so, many scholars have dated his geography to the middle or the second half of the
fourth century (see Musti 2005: 276), and if the date is correct, then Pseudo-Scylax
was already applying the name “Lucanians” to a wider group of indigenous people
than just those who inhabited the hinterland above Croton. As an early geographer,
he may have used terms such as “Lucanians” and “Lucania” with more precision
than Aristoxenus. His Lucania certainly encompasses more territory than Aristoxenus
included in his references to the Lucanians. Strabo’s later description of the lands
occupied by Lucanians is even more extensive than that of Pseudo-Scylax. By the late
republic and early empire, Lucanians were seen as an indigenous people living across
a broad swathe of territory that included modern Basilicata, southern Campania, and
northern Calabria.
Among writers of the second centuryBC,one finds more instances of the terms “Lu-
canians” and “Lucania” than are found among the fourth- and third-century authors.
Polybius (2.24.12) describes a confrontation between Roman and Celtic forces in 225
BCand lists among Rome’s allies Lucanian soldiers and cavalry. In his narrative, Poly-
bius distinguishes them from Samnites and other indigenous forces such as Iapygians
and Messapians. Walbank (1957: 26) suggests that Polybius used the third-century his-
torian Fabius Pictor as his source for Rome’s conflict in Book 2. It seems that Fabius
(whose works are not extant) was already distinguishing the Lucanians from other south
Italic people.
As for Lucanians associated with events earlier than the fourth century, there are very
few references, and all are by later authors. As noted in the preceding text, Lucanians are
cited as associates of Pythagoras or of his school. Polyaenus (2.10.1–5) briefly discusses
conflicts between Lucanians and forces from Thurii commanded by Cleandridas.
Cleandridas fled Sparta in the 440s, and his clashes with the Lucanians are usually dated
c. 440. Thus, people called “Lucanians” may have already come into contact with Thuri-
ans by the middle of the fifth century. Musti (2005: 261–77), however, suggests that
one should be skeptical of the early mention of Lucanians in late sources. He proposes,
in fact, that the second-centuryADhistorian, Polyaenus, derived the term “Lucanians”
from Roman sources who used the name as a general term for Italic people who
opposed Thurii.