A Companion to Ethnicity in the Ancient Mediterranean

(Steven Felgate) #1
Lucanians and Southern Italy 523

Horsnaes 2002: 99–105; Isayev 2007: 31–41). Sanctuaries in Lucania are all character-
ized by rooms/buildings around a paved courtyard with a structural layout similar to a
house. While a temple is not usually found, natural springs or water structures and an
altar are often present. Fracchia and Gualtieri (1989) have noted the similarities among
the portico–courtyard structure at Complex A in Roccagloriosa, the large rural sanctuary
at Rossano di Vaglio, and the smaller rural sanctuary at Serra Lustrante.
Scholars have often quoted Herodotus for clues that the Greeks used for self-
identification in the fifth century. In book eight, Herodotus (8.144.2) mentions that
Greeks are bound together by “the same blood [possibly equated with common origins]
and same language and the common temples of the gods, sacrifices and like customs.”
Religious practices and worship may certainly unite people. While religious customs by
themselves do not define an ethnic group, they may have helped create a greater sense
of self-awareness and bonds among the Italic people of Lucania.


Origin of the Name “Lucanian”

As noted in the preceding text, fourth-century writers did not use the term “Lucani-
an” consistently or often. The name, however, was probably well known among certain
fourth-century Greeks and may have originally been used by them for a particular Italic
population in southern Italy. One of the earliest events in which Lucanians play a major
role can be found in the pages of Diodorus (14.91 and 14.100–102) when he narrates
the conflicts between some Italiotes and Dionysius I of Syracuse during the 390s. The
historian notes that, in 390, Dionysius formed a treaty with Lucanians who occupied the
city of Laos and who were already in conflict with Greek cities on the Ionian coast. Soon
after this, Diodorus describes a major and stunning victory won by the Lucanians over
the forces of Thurii when the Thurian army attempted to pursue Lucanian warriors into
the territory of Laos. The Greek army was surrounded, overwhelmed, and over 10,000
Italiotes killed.
Diodorus wrote in the first centuryBCand used earlier sources such as Timaeus and
Philistus. Sanders (1987: 110–157) persuasively argues that Philistus was Diodorus’
major source for the period and events surrounding Dionysius’ conflict with the Ital-
iotes in the first half of the fourth century. Philistus, was a general for Dionysius I, as
well as a historian who lived in Syracuse and Italy ca. 430–355, concurrent with these
events. Musti (2005: 243–4) suggests that ethnography and geography of Italy was a
special interest of this writer. Philistus was no doubt well aware of the names used by
local Greeks for indigenous people in their area, and the Thurians certainly had a name
for the indigenous people that destroyed their army. Thus, Diodorus should also have
been acquainted with these names.
While the name that the Thurians used for their Italic enemy has not survived in a source
dated to the 390s or 380s, already by ca. 350, we find Isocrates (De Pace49–50) cit-
ing Lucanians and Triballians as examples of hostile barbarians. The Triballians of Thrace
were a well-known menace to the Greek cities on the coast (Laistner 1924: 94). Lucanians
and Triballians were obviously a people known to Isocrates’ audience. The Athenians had
been the main contributors to the foundation of Thurii, and Athenians would have been
well aware of the indigenous people who harassed Thurii and destroyed their forces. Any

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