4 Y. Tsafrir et al., Excavations at Rehovot-in-the-Negev I, Qedem 25 (Jerusalem: Institute of
Archaeology, Hebrew University, 1988).
5 See Y. Hirschfeld, The Judaean Desert Monasteries in the Byzantine Period (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1982); id., The Early Byzantine Monastery at Khirbet ed-Deir in the Judaean
Desert. The Excavations in 1981–1987, Qedem 38 (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1999). On
the monastery of St Sabas during the Persian invasions see Chapter 9.
6 See B. Ward-Perkins, ‘Land, labour and settlement’, and ‘Specialized production and
exchange’, in Cambridge Ancient History XIV, 315–44, 346–91; Cécile Morrisson and J.-P.
Sodini, ‘The sixth-century economy’, in Angeliki E. Laiou, ed., The Economic History of Byzan-
tium (Washington, DC, 2002), 3 vols., 171–220; contrast J. Banaji, Agrarian Change in Late
Antiquity. Gold, Labour and Aristocratic Dominance, rev. ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2007), arguing for an increasing dominance of large estates, on which see also below.
7 For continuity: Marlia Mundell Mango, ‘Byzantine maritime trade with the east (4th–7th
centuries)’, ARAM 8 (1996), 139–63.
8 Known particularly from the History of Ahudemmeh, the sixth-century bishop of Beth
‘Arbaya and Miaphysite ‘metropolitan of the East’: see Elizabeth Key Fowden, The Barbar-
ian Plain. Saint Sergius between Rome and Iran (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999),
121–6.
9 Sean A. Kingsley, Shipwreck Archaeology of the Holy Land. Processes and Parameters (London:
Duckworth, 2004); population increase: C. Dauphin, La Palestine byzantine: peuplement et popu-
lations (Oxford: Archaeopress, 1998).
10 W. Wolska-Conus, La topographie chrétienne de Cosmas Indicopleustes (Paris: Presses universi-
taires de France, 1962).
11 See Ward-Perkins, ‘Specialisation, trade and prosperity. An overview of the economy of the
late antique eastern Mediterranean’, in Sean Kingsley and Michael Decker, eds., Economy and
Exchange in the Eastern Mediterranean during Late Antiquity (Oxford: Oxbow, 2001), 167–78;
Angeliki E. Laiou and Cécile Morrisson, eds., The Byzantine Economy (Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 2007), 35–8. Peregrine Horden and Nicholas Purcell, The Corrupting
Sea (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000), 153–60, argue against excessive emphasis on long-distance
traffi c (‘shipping lanes’) and for the persistence of small-scale connectivity, despite what
they call ‘the early medieval depression’ of the seventh to ninth centuries.
12 See Kingsley and Decker, eds., Economy and Exchange in the East Mediterranean, especially the
papers by Kingsley (Palestinian wine trade), Decker (north Syria), Marlia Mundell Mango
(non-ceramic evidence for trade) and Bryan Ward-Perkins (methodological observations
and limitations of amphorae evidence). For trade see also Marlia Mundell Mango, ed.,
Byzantine Trade, 4th–12th Centuries (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009).
13 See R.S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993); id.,
ed., Egypt in the Byzantine World, 300–700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007):
emphasis on large estates: Banaji, Agrarian Change; P. Sarris, Economy and Society in the Age of
Justinian (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); C. Zuckerman, Du village à l’empire:
autour du register fi scal d’Aphrodito, 525–526 (Paris: Association des amis du Centre d’histoire
et civilisation de Byzance, 2004); against Banaji, G. Ruffi ni, Social Networks in Byzantine Egypt
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), especially on Oxyrhynchus and Aphrodito.
14 I owe this information to the kindness of the excavator, Dr Grzegorz Majcherek.
15 Against: P. Crone, Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1987); but see Andrew Marsham, ‘The early Caliphate and the inheritance of late antiquity
(c. AD 610–c. AD 750)’, in Philip Rousseau, ed., A Companion to Late Antiquity (Chichester,
UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009), 479–92, at 482–83; James Howard-Johnston, Witnesses to a
World Crisis: Historians and Histories of the Middle East in the Seventh Century (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2010), 398–402, 452, and Crone, ‘Quraysh and the Roman army: making
sense of the Meccan leather trade’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 70 (2007),
63–88 (possibility of Meccans producing leather for the Roman army).
16 See G. Fowden, Empire to Commonwealth. Consequences of Monotheism in Late Antiquity (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).
NOTES TO CHAPTER 8