THE MEDITERRANEAN WORLD IN LATE ANTIQUITYthat in his newly refounded city of Constantinople (‘the city of Constantine’),
begun after his victory over Licinius in 324, he seems to have concentrated on
the secular buildings needed for an imperial centre rather than the panoply of
churches we might have expected (Chapter 1). Constantine was a traditional-
ist as much as an innovator. He seems to have had a special sense of affili-
ation towards the sun god, and much of his legislation on matters affecting
religion was ambiguous; after all, more than 90 per cent of the population
was still pagan. Nor was religion his only or even perhaps most important
concern; he also continued Diocletianic precedent, if with developments of
his own, in military and administrative matters. He turned to members of elite
Roman senatorial families in building his administration while also expanding
the senatorial order and cutting its territorial connection to the city of Rome.
If the empire’s financial stability improved during his reign, this had much to
do with increased security. A new gold coin, the solidus, was introduced under
Constantine, allegedly made possible by the availability of gold confiscated
from temples, but also by special taxes on the rich; it remained the highest
value currency in the Byzantine empire for many centuries, but the problem
of inflation of the base metal coinage used by most people was not so easily
solved.
Constantine was controversial in his own day and is still an iconic figure, as
demonstrated by several exhibitions held to commemorate the 1700th anni-
versary of his proclamation at York. For many, his support of Christianity will
always be the most important thing about him. But he deserves a broader and
more objective approach; in particular he invites comparison with Augustus,
as an emperor who also came to power by eliminating his rivals in civil war,
and found subtle ways of dealing with division and hostility within the upper
class. Each succeeded in establishing a new elite, and each was a master of
public relations. In each case too, religious change was a feature of their reign,
but in both cases it was embedded in a broader context.
Constantine also resembled Augustus in that he failed to ensure a smooth
succession. His death in 337 while en route to campaign against Persia was
followed by an awkward period of uncertainty before his three surviving sons
were all declared Augusti. In the process, the descendants of Constantine’s
half brothers, who included the future emperor Julian (361–63) were set aside
or even eliminated. Constantine’s sons promptly turned on each other in
civil conflicts which continued until Constantius II (337–61) emerged as sole
emperor in 353.^32 Constantius continued his father’s policy of intervention in
church affairs, but in a context of reaction against the decisions taken at the
Council of Nicaea. Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria and a strong pro-Nicene
supporter and propagandist, had already been exiled in the last years of Con-
stantine and was condemned several times by church councils, and exiled twice
more under Constantius. However, ‘Arianism’ is a term that strictly denotes
a whole spectrum of theological understanding rather than a single position.
The Council of Nicaea had resulted in a statement according to which the Son
was of the same substance (homoousios) as the Father, but dissatisfaction with