The Shaolin Monastery. History, Religion and the Chinese Martial Arts

(Frankie) #1

  1. Ibid., 3.7b – 8a.

  2. Ibid., 1.1b–2b; 3.7b.

  3. Tang Shunzhi, Wu bian, 5.39b. On Tang Shunzhi, see Goodrich, Dictionary
    of Ming Biography, 2:1252–1256.

  4. See respectively Qi Jiguang, Jixiao xinshu: shiba juan ben, 14.229; Mao Yu-
    anyi, Wubei zhi, chapters 88–90; and He Liangchen, Zhenji, 2.27. On Qi, see Huang,
    1587 A Year of No Significance, pp. 156–188; and Goodrich, Dictionary of Ming Biogra-
    phy, 1:220–224. On Mao, see Goodrich, Dictionary of Ming Biography, 2:1053–1054.
    On He, see Lin Boyuan, Zhongguo tiyu shi, pp. 319–320.

  5. Wu Qiao, Weilu shihua.

  6. See Wu Shu, Shoubi lu, pp. 109–111, for his initiation into the martial arts. On
    Wu and his teacher Shi Dian, see also Ma Mingda, Shuo jian cong gao, pp. 88–111; Lin
    Boyuan, Zhongguo tiyu shi, pp. 339–340; Matsuda Ryûchi, Zhongguo wushu shilüe, pp.
    28–30; and “Shoubi lu,” in Siku da cidian, p. 1633.

  7. Wu Shu, Shoubi lu, preface, p. 1.

  8. Ibid., p. 113.

  9. See Goodrich, Dictionary of Ming Biography, 2:1616 –1618.

  10. Yu’s Jian jing must have circulated as an independent volume prior to 1562,
    when Qi Jiguang quoted it in full in his Jixiao xinshu: shiba juan ben, 12.184–219. It is
    also available in Yu’s collected writings, which were published in three installments
    between 1565 and the early 1580s under the titles Zhengqi tang ji, Zhengqi tang xuji,
    and Zhengqi tang yuji. The Jian jing is in the yuji; see the combined 1841 edition of all
    three installments. He Liangchen praises the Jian jing in his Zhenji, 2.27.

  11. I am not sure of the reason for this usage in Yu’s writings. Perhaps he applied
    the word “sword” for “staff ” because the former had already appeared in the name of
    the staff method, Jingchu Long Sword ( Jingchu chang jian), which he studied. Cheng
    Dali suggests that “sword” signifies in this instance the entire martial arts tradition
    rather than the concrete weapon; see his Zhongguo wushu, pp. 121–123. In any event
    the text of Yu’s Sword Classic leaves no doubt that it is concerned with staff fighting
    (rather than fencing), as indeed was clear to Yu’s contemporaries Qi Jiguang and He
    Liangchen. See also Tang Hao, Shaolin Wudang kao, p. 42; Tang Hao, Shaolin quanshu
    mijue kaozheng, pp. 67–69; Lin Boyuan, Zhongguo tiyu shi, pp. 317–318; Lin Boyuan,
    “Tan Zhongguo wushu zai Mingdai de fazhan bianhua,” pp. 67–68; and Matsuda
    Ryûchi, Zhongguo wushu shilüe. pp. 7–9, 52–53.

  12. The Yin/Yang terminology figures in Yu’s Sword Classic, as in the formula:
    “The Yin and the Yang should alternate, the two hands need be straight.” See Jian
    jing, in Zhengqi tang yuji, 4.3b.
    2 8. Yu Dayou, “A poem, with prologue, sent to the Shaolin monk Zongqing,”
    Zhengqi tang xuji, 2.7a– 8a. A n almost ident ical account of Yu’s v isit to t he mona ster y
    is found in his 1577 “Inscription on the Renovation of the Universal Chan Court-
    yard,” Zhengqi tang xuji, 3.6a–7b.

  13. Tang Hao located only one shared formula in Yu’s and Cheng’s manuals:
    “jiu li lüe guo, xin li wei fa” (“[Strike when] one surge of [your rival’s] energy is
    largely over, and before another has been generated”). Compare Yu Dayou, Jian


Notes to Pages 62–65 215

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