The End of the Cold War. 1985-1991

(Sean Pound) #1
TO GENEVA 153

the summit.^18 This in turn worried his own friends on the American
political right. It would be the President’s first encounter with a
General Secretary, and Gorbachëv’s performance in Paris had proved
that he was a formidable politician with a panoply of skills. Senator
Jesse Helms feared that Reagan might succumb to his charm and make
undesirable concessions. On 29 October Helms and a group of sen-
ators signed a letter asking him to protest against violations of treaty
obligations; they referred approvingly to Defense Secretary Weinberg-
er’s statements on the topic.^19 Reagan refused to be deflected. He used
his next weekly radio address to inform Americans that he would
pursue the proposal for a drastic cut in the number of nuclear weapons



  • he reminded everyone that he had been proposing roughly the same
    reduction in strategic missiles for more than three years. He said he
    felt ‘encouraged because, after a long wait, legitimate negotiations are
    under way’.^20
    Shultz took National Security Adviser McFarlane with him to
    Moscow for his meetings of 4–5 November 1985. Gorbachëv readied
    himself for some tough talking. The Americans would almost certainly
    raise questions about regional conflicts, cultural and scientific ex -
    changes and human rights.^21 If this was likely to be their approach,
    Gorbachëv decided to get his retaliation in first. No sooner had he
    shaken hands with Shultz than he delivered a tirade against the Stra-
    tegic Defense Initiative. He described the American administration as
    operating on the basis of the thinking laid out in the Hoover Institu-
    tion’s publication America in the Eighties. He accused America of
    aiming at military superiority. He told Shultz that the Americans
    should cease to think that the USSR was in economic trouble and will-
    ing to yield to them in order to solve its internal problems. He warned
    that he would reject any kind of ‘linkage’ in the Soviet–American talks
    such as the Americans had practised in the Nixon years, and he voiced
    resentment about American objections to the abuse of human rights
    in the USSR.^22 He was brusque with Shultz to the point of unpleasant-
    ness.^23 He was obviously trying to drive home the message that he
    would be no soft touch in Switzerland.
    Shultz weathered the storm and, once back in Washington, told
    Reagan about Gorbachëv’s frantic comments about the Strategic
    Defense Initiative.^24 It was inept of the Soviet leader to reveal his sense
    of the USSR’s vulnerability, and Shultz advised the President to spell
    out the need for the Politburo to revise its thinking about America.
    America was not an aggressive power; it was not run by its military-

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