The End of the Cold War. 1985-1991

(Sean Pound) #1
THE MONTH OF MUFFLED DRUMS 223

to Iceland completely ill-prepared. She feared that Gorbachëv might
succeed in decoupling America from NATO. Would America risk the
destruction of Chicago just to save Paris? Mitterrand shared her think-
ing. He scoffed at opinion poll findings that people thought that
Reagan had stood firm in Iceland. He said that the truth was the exact
opposite. He indicated that if ever the Reykjavik understandings came
to fulfilment, he would sanction the production of chemical weapons



  • he would take every measure to keep France secure. All this pleased
    Thatcher. (It was an unusual episode of collaboration with the French.)
    Mitterrand tried to calm her down by affirming that the summit
    would have no practical results: ‘Don’t worry about it. The Russians
    can’t walk past the SDI problem. There isn’t going to be an agreement.’
    She spoke quite equably but then erupted again: ‘Everything that took
    place in Reykjavik is a disaster!’^9
    An invitation arrived for her to visit Camp David for talks with
    Reagan. She had hoped to make the trip before any summit occurred,
    but the Reykjavik encounter forestalled her.^10 He was eager to welcome
    her despite what she had said to him by phone. He never objected to
    her fieriness. Indeed, he liked it, and he made arrangement to have a
    one-on-one session before their entourages joined them.^11 She and her
    advisers hoped to capitalize on the warmth of feelings that existed
    between President and Prime Minister. They set out to make him
    recognize the dangers in his negotiating standpoint in Iceland. Thatcher
    intended to be blunt. If his ideas for a drastic reduction in nuclear
    weapons came to fulfilment, there would be instability in Europe as the
    result of Moscow’s numerical predominance in conventional and
    chemical weaponry. The NATO countries, as everyone knew, were
    unlikely to agree to finance the kind of reform of their armed forces
    that could countervail against Soviet superiority.^12 She and Reagan
    issued a joint statement reaffirming the principle of nuclear deterrence
    in defence policy and even pointing to the imbalance in conventional
    and chemical weaponry; and Reagan confidentially guaranteed that
    America would continue to supply Britain with Trident nuclear mis-
    siles.^13
    She returned to Europe somewhat calmer than when she left. She
    reported back to Mitterrand at the Élysée Palace. She now accepted
    that nothing catastrophic had occurred in Iceland. What had saved the
    day was the intransigence of ‘the Russians’ about the Strategic Defense
    Initiative. She thought this stupid of them because, in her view,
    Reagan’s pet project would never achieve more than twenty per cent

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