322 THE END OF THE COLD WAR
Poland. The Papacy sharpened Jaruzelski’s difficulties. John Paul II’s
pastoral visit by coincidence took place at the same time as Reagan
was in West Germany, and Solidarity’s confidence was on the rise
throughout Poland.^35 Vice President Bush visited Poland for four days
at the end of September 1987. He spoke with both Jaruzelski and
Wałęsa.^36 He visited the grave of the murdered priest Jerzy Pop-
iełuszko. He stressed to Jaruzelski that human rights had to be better
respected for America to sanction financial credits to Poland. Next
month Bush announced his candidature for the presidential election
of the following year. He had achieved a balance between appearing
calm and statesmanlike and asserting firm demands. He later told
Gorbachëv of his Polish impressions, expressing admiration for Jaru-
zelski as a national leader in a difficult situation. He had also spoken
with Lech Wałęsa. He also suggested that a growth in economic links
with Poland was possible – and Gorbachëv did not fail to propose that
America should take the same line with the USSR.^37
He had his own internal difficulty after 27 October, when Yeltsin
criticized him at the Central Committee. Yeltsin called for a faster pace
of reform and accused Gorbachëv of allowing his wife too much in -
fluence over him. He surprised everyone by resigning from the
Politburo. There had been nothing like it in Soviet political history,
and Gorbachëv lost one of the committed radical reformers from the
leadership. Yeltsin felt so demoralized that he made an ineffectual
attempt to kill himself with a pair of kitchen scissors. Subsequently he
was to be dragged before the Moscow City Party Committee and fired
as its secretary. After this ordeal he received mercy from Gorbachëv,
who made him Deputy Head of the State Construction Committee.
Eastern European leaders arrived in Moscow in these chaotic days
to commemorate the October Revolution anniversary. The fate of
perestroika hung in the balance, and there was speculation that
Gorbachëv would soon be replaced by Ligachëv. When Gorbachëv
addressed the East Europeans on 10 November, he offered no political
prognosis but focused on economics. He wanted a ‘Complex Programme
of Scien tific-Technical Progress of Comecon member-countries’. He
reminded East European leaders that it cost the USSR dear to supply
them with oil, gas and military security. There was nothing new in
this. Where he did break fresh ground was in his proposal to found
multinational companies that could meet consumer demands in auto-
mobiles, video technology and personal computers. Though he hoped
to involve Western corporations in this project, he was aware that such