The Presidential Years 267
quickly understood the revolutionary significance of this project. He recognized
that thanks to his history of rebellion against both Hitler and Stalin, he could
become a spokesman for the Third World, which no longer wished to remain
a plaything of the great powers, but had yet to participate in a constructive way
in the discussion about war and peace, and especially about the distribution
of resources.^17 On 23 June 1954, he told Edwin Kretzmann, first secretary of the
American Embassy in Belgrade, as an explanation for his future policy: “The
small frog does not jump into the pond, but engages in dialogue with the bigger
frogs, in order to get the best of both worlds.”^18
The first step was in July 1953: a private visit of the Indian vice-president
and famous philosopher and religious scholar, Sir Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan,
crowned an intense flow of Indian political and cultural personalities to Yugo-
slavia in the previous months. The official press communiqué of his talks with
Tito stressed the excellent relationship between the two countries, declaring
that “in sincere pursuit of world peace, India and Yugoslavia represent today
an example and encouragement for the realization of friendly relations among
all countries in the world, and a significant factor for overcoming the perils
of war.”^19
In August 1954, a delegation of the UN General Assembly led by Vijaya
Lakshmi Pandit, Nehru’s sister, came to Yugoslavia, where they visited various
republics and held talks with eminent politicians, including Tito. At the end of
the journey, she unexpectedly handed the marshal a formal invitation to visit
India.^20 Tito lost no time, and on 30 November set out at the head of numerous
dignitaries, including Foreign Secretary Koča Popović, Interior Secretary Alek-
sandar Ranković, his chief of personal security, General Milan Žeželj, and the
former ambassador to New Delhi, Joža Vilfan, now chief of his secretariat.
Many in government circles were opposed to this journey, maintaining that the
cost would not justify the expected results. Tito, however, was of the opinion
that it was not possible to achieve great things without running the risk:
“I thought of it like this: by God, what are we to do? We are living together.
A good, peaceful coexistence. But this is a passive attitude. In order to survive,
an active coexistence is needed. Therefore, in order to improve world relations,
it is necessary for countries that are not linked to blocs to struggle together.
And this is a revolutionary action.”^21
Tito was the first European head of state to visit India after its indepen-
dence, and he was treated like royalty. Like Nehru, he stressed in his public
speeches the importance of coexistence as an antidote to nuclear war. In his
words, coexistence should be based on a rejection of the bloc policy, which did
not mean a retreat into passive neutrality. On the contrary, India and Yugosla-
via wanted to actively participate in the building of peace in a divided world.^22