Tito and His Comrades

340 The Presidential Years

have hoped, but in fact had the opposite effect. The CIA experts affirmed,
“Although the trend toward further decentralization is probably irreversible,
progress will not be smooth, and change in Yugoslavia will continue to be
accompanied by dissension over the structure and role of the party and govern-
ment, over the nationalities problem, and over the speed with which market
forces will be introduced into the economy.”^415
These observations did not consider, however, the “old guard” who watched
over everything and everyone, and did not have any intention of abdicating
their “guiding role,” especially when they realized they were under threat from
the “young guard” who had filled the power vacuum left by Ranković. This was
especially true for Tito. During a session in which some representatives of the
“young guard” engaged in the discussion with particular vigor, he sent a note to
Kardelj that read: “They want to replace us.”^416

The Economic Crisis and the Guest Worker

The “young guard” engaged in the renewal of society with a great deal of
optimism. Evaluating the period 1965–70, Stane Kavčič, one of its members,
asserted: “It was a radical showdown with our Stalinism in almost all sectors—
we moved in a direction that would quickly bring us to a more developed
democracy and economy—on this basis, we could progressively get rid of our
material and ideological backwardness.”^417
And he added:

Such social transformations obviously brought to light many contradictions and

burning issues, but also many dangers. A more developed market economy de-

manded more knowledge: the role of the experts and managers took on new sig-

nificance, causing, however, the emergence of technocracy. More democracy in the

party and in society fostered more ideas and opinions, toward which more tolerance

was needed. Liberalism was discovered, and it became evident that the economic,

political and social interests of the republics were divergent, thus came a new

nationalistic wave. It was not possible to solve these contradictions the old Comin-

form way, namely with discipline, repression and the hammer. Indeed, issues should

be overcome with more democracy, tolerance and dialogue in the LCY. Even

those who thought otherwise should enjoy civil rights in the party and society.^418

In Croatia, a young economics lecturer at Zagreb University, Savka Dabčević-
Kučar, rose up from the ranks. After Ranković it was she who, in a session of
the CC of the Croat League, attacked the leadership and its privileges with the
most force: “The party cannot escape its responsibility for past events,” she
said.^419 With the help of Vladimir Bakarić, who was envious of Miko Tripalo,