Tito’s Death and His Political Legacy, 1980 451
Stane Dolanc summarized the situation, declaring: “Democratic centralism stops
at the borders of the republics.”^101
Miroslav Krleža, who knew as much about Yugoslavia under the monarchy
as he did about its socialist reality, recognized what this would lead to. In
the early seventies, he had already understood that the federation, as had been
modeled by Tito, could not survive him, noting that “the old gentleman has
made a tailored suit, but does not realize that it is falling apart.”^102 It is un-
likely that Tito was unaware of this. In an interview with the Italian writer
Alberto Moravia, Tito affirmed that the First World War had taught him the
transience of everything: no state is eternal, every empire is ephemeral.^103 Before
his death he was forced to recognize that his country was, too. In May 1978, at
the Eleventh Congress of the LCY, he declared, “We communists have hon-
ored, as always, our debt toward the working class, toward our nations and
nationalities, toward all the progressive and democratic forces of the world....
Therefore, we look to the future with fresh optimism.”^104 But he no longer be-
lieved. In October 1967, meeting his Czechoslovak colleague Antonín Novotný
in a confidential discussion, he expressed his doubts about the strength of the
Yugoslav federation: “They all hate each other. Every session of our CC is a
general massacre.”^105 And only a month after the maneuvers of “Freedom 1971,”
when he hurriedly returned from Bucharest in November to settle accounts
with the Croat liberals, he said to his attendants: “If you knew how I see the
future of Yugoslavia, you would be horrified.”^106
Near the end of his days he was visited by his old comrade, Svetozar Vuk-
manović (Tempo), who asked: “What is happening to Yugoslavia?”
Tito answered dryly: “Yugoslavia does not exist anymore.”
“What is happening to the party?”
“The party does not exist anymore.”^107
He was right. Nevertheless he could look to his legacy with some pride: dur-
ing the years of his rule, the quality of life of the popular masses had improved
decisively, police pressure decreased, and the gap between the privileges of those
in power and the common citizens diminished. One in four households had a
car, to say nothing of “weekend” houses that sprouted like mushrooms—a sign
of reasonable affluence. Yugoslavia was one of the most open countries in the
world, as much for foreign tourists as for its citizens, who could travel without
visas to forty-four countries. Yugoslavs enjoyed every freedom, apart from the
freedom of thought and speech. But in this was hidden the germ of collapse:
since there was no freedom of opinion, it was not possible to discuss a post-Tito
era freely.^108 It was clear that after his death Yugoslavia would not be the same
anymore. “As a national patriarch, savior, and political entrepreneur, Tito is truly