Tito and His Comrades

(Steven Felgate) #1

452 Tito’s Death and His Political Legacy, 1980


irreplaceable,” wrote the American intelligence analysts in 1967, in a paper on the
“Yugoslav Experiment.” “For nearly a quarter of a century, he has stood as a sym-
bol of national unity and as Yugoslavia’s supreme arbiter. Arranging an orderly
succession to his office is the greatest problem the Yugoslav party—and Tito
himself—face. Though Tito is not blind to the problem his departure will create,
this is one area of potential dissension in which his genius for compromise and
improvisation cannot be brought fully to bear. It is possible for a man to arrange
for his own funeral, but is difficult for him to play a very active role in it.”^109
Because of the oppressive atmosphere, those who were able to think feared
Tito’s death and at the same time desired it, conscious that nothing would
change until it happened. “His death is waited for as the last hope and salva-
tion,” wrote Dobrica Ćosić in early January 1978.^110
In private life during his last years, Tito was without a wife (they had sepa-
rated, though not divorced) and without comrades. He was so lonely that even
the British ambassador thought it important to mention this emotional state in
his yearly report for 1978.^111 This was especially evident at the thirty-fifth anni-
versary of the battle on the Neretva. None of his closest fellow soldiers par-
ticipated in the grand celebration apart from the functionaries of his entourage:
Koča Popović was disgraced and Peko Dapčević, the legendary commander of
the Second Proletarian Division, was absent. In the middle of his inaugural
speech Tito asked loudly: “How is it that Peko Dapčević is not here? Send him
a helicopter immediately.” It was done, but Peko declined to come, since he had
not been invited earlier.^112 Things got worse: during his speech Tito completely
lost his sense of proportion, describing his role in the famous battle without any
restraint, and far from historical truth. As Lazar Koliševski commented acidly,
“He convinced himself that he was a great man.”^113


Tito’s Death

The marshal celebrated New Year’s Eve 1980 at Karadjordjevo with his sons
and close collaborators, while all Yugoslavia could see on television that he
used a walking stick and remained seated while he received greetings.^114 On
1 January he took part in the traditional lunch with the most important politi-
cal leaders of the country, expressing on that occasion the hope to celebrate
“together again next year.” He pretended to be in good spirits and tried to hide
his physical troubles.^115 In fact, before the holidays he had been struck by a
thrombosis in his left leg that could not be cured with anticoagulants. Two days
later he was rushed by helicopter to the Ljubljana Clinical Center for a “routine
checkup.” One of his last political decisions before going to the hospital was to
prohibit the devaluation of the dinar by 30 percent, as proposed by the presi-
dent of the federal government, the finance secretary, and the governor of the

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