that the blade was fixed to the wooden shaft not only by a tang that went four or five
cm deep into the shaft (and was usually fastened with a single rivet), but also—above
the tang—by a pair of “shoes,” each of which enclosed a lunate of the shaft. Although
more secure than the simple tanged spearhead, the shoed spearhead was inferior to
the socketed spearhead, by which it was superseded (all except one of the spearheads
deposited in the Shaft Graves at Mycenae were socketed).
108 In Avila 1983 the shoed spearheads, Avila’s Typ I, are nos. 1–7b. No. 1 comes from
Shaft Grave IV at Mycenae, no. 2 from Dramesi, near Thebes, no. 3 from Steno on
the island of Lefkas, nos. 4 and 5 from Sesklo, 6 and 7a from Vajzë in Albania, and
7b from Asine.
109 Buck 1966, pp. 195–196.
110 See Philippa-Touchais et al. 2010.
111 Kayafa 2010, p. 703. I assume that the sword Kayafa has in mind is the rapier from
the warrior grave at Thebes, dated by some to the MH II period.
112 Catling, in AR33 (AR for 1986–1987), p. 24, said only “A MH date is suggested.”
Schofield 2007, p. 30, puts the burial in the pre-Mycenaean period. This warrior grave
was published by Maria Kasimi-Soutou, “Μεσοελλαδικός τάφος πολεμιστή απο τη
Θήβη,” Archaiologikon Deltion35A (1980) [1986], pp. 88–101.
113 According to Kasimi-Soutou 1986, p. 100, the grave goods and the burial
“χρονολογούνται στη μεταβατική φάση της ΜΕ ΙΙΙ προς ΥΕ Ι.”
114 Driessen 1990, p. 125, dated the Theban tomb, along with several others, “to the
very end of the Middle Bronze Age,” with an explanation in fn. 441: “Dr. K.
Demakopoulou kindly informed me that these burials should all be dated to the
Shaftgrave Period... .” Kilian-Dirlmeier 1993 dated the Theban sword (no. 31) to
MM III/LH I.
115 For the spearhead see Kasimi-Soutou 1986, Fig. 4.
116 In the catalogue in Avila 1983 the shoed spearhead from Shaft Grave IV is no. 1.
On the significance for dating see also Branigan 1974, p. 18.
117 For a full review of the osteological evidence for massacres in Neolithic Europe see
Beyneix 2001 and Guilaine and Zammit 2005.
118 Guilaine and Zammit 2005, p. 135, report sixty-three arrowheads embedded in
skeletons from the Neolithic period in France and remind the reader that many more
deaths would have resulted from injuries to the soft tissues.
119 Mercer 1999, p. 150.
120 Guilaine and Zammit 2005, p. 127.
121 See Haak et al. 2008.
122 See Figs. 45 and 46 in Guilaine and Zammit 2005 for flint knives from the Corded
Ware culture.
123 Gimbutas 1970, p. 184.
124 See Beckerman 2015. At p. 25, under the heading “Martiality,” Beckerman writes,
“Ever since Childe, martiality has been seen as an important aspect of Corded Ware
Culture society,” but she finds little evidence to support that characterization:
“Examples of the use of violence are, however, rare.”
125 These dates for Bz A1 and Bz A2 follow the chronology for central Europe given
by Benjamin Roberts, Marion Uckelmann and Dirk Brandherm in Fig. 2.1, on
pp. 18–19, of Fokkens and Harding 2013.
126 In their Bronze Age WarfareRichard Osgood and Sarah Monks concluded “that warfare
was a widespread and lethal phenomenon experienced by peoples of the Bronze Age
throughout Europe” (Osgood and Monks 2000, p. 138). Although that statement may
be true, it seems to rest primarily on evidence from the Middle and Late Bronze periods,
roughly from the middle of the 2nd to the early 1st millennium BC.
127 A. F. Harding, Warriors and Weapons in Bronze Age Europe(Budapest: Archaeo -
lingua, 2007).
104 Warfare in Western Eurasia