32 Houwink ten Cate 1984, p. 49.
33 Bryce 2005, p. 67.
34 Houwink ten Cate 1984, p. 50.
35 Houwink ten Cate 1984, p. 66, observed that in earlier times “a number of passages
show that the town gate of a walled town used to be selected as the main target of an
attack.” In the Hittite Old kingdom, however, “apparently the defenders sometimes
preferred a battle in open terrain to a defense of their own city walls.”
36 Houwink ten Cate 1984, p. 58.
37 The identification of the Manda-troops as “a corps of charioteers” was made forcefully
by Houwink ten Cate 1984, p. 56. On the Manda-troops see also Collins 1987,
pp. 139–140.
38 Bourriau 2000, p. 174, explains the term:
Egyptologists conventionally translate aamuas “Asiatics” (that is, inhabitants
of Western Asia). The term “Hyksos”, on the other hand, derives, via Greek, from
the Egyptian epithet hekau khasut“rulers of foreign (lit. ‘mountainous’) countries”
and was applied only to the rulers of the Asiatics. In itself it held no pejorative
meaning except to denote a lower status than that of the Egyptian king, and was
used both by the Egyptians and by the Hyksos kings of themselves.39 See Redford 1997, p. 1: “If the Ancient Egyptian historical record is subject—
sometimes more, sometimes less—to the haphazard of preservation, the Hyksos
occupation must be the prime example of a period for which happenstance has robbed
us almost totally of written material.”
40 For translations of the stelae see nos. 68 and 69 (pp. 13–15) in Redford 1997.
41 Herold 2004, p. 124: “Einzelne Knochen von Pferden wurden immer wieder bei
Ausgrabungen in Tell el-Dab’a/Auaris, der Hauptstadt der Hyksos in Ostdelta, in
Schichten der frühen Hyksoszeit gefunden (Boessneck u. von den Driesch 1992,
24 f.).”
42 In reviewing 50 years of scholarship on the Buhen horse, Raulwing and Clutton-Brock
2009 agree that the dating ca. 1675 BCis correct, and that the horse had been used in
paired draft.
43 Emery, Smith and Millard 1979, p. 3.
44 On the skeleton of the horse see Juliet Clutton-Brock, “The Description,” pp. 191–195
in Emery, Smith and Millard 1979. At p. 192 Clutton-Brock noted the excessive wear
on the horse’s lower left first pre-molar (the counterpart on the right was missing) and
concluded that the horse “was ridden or driven with a hard bit, that was perhaps of
bronze.”
45 Redford 1992, p. 236. At note 113 Redford refers to Max Burchardt, Die altka -
naanä ischen Fremdworte und Eigennamen im Aegyptischen (Leipzig, 1909) as still
the fullest compilation of words that the Egyptians borrowed from Northwest
Semitic.
46 Littauer and Crouwel 1988; followed by Drews 2004, pp. 88–89.
47 Bar-Oz et al.2013.
48 Moeller and Marouard 2011.
49 On the assumption that ca. 1675 BCthe hyksoshad not yet entered Egypt, and that the
chariot was not yet used in battle, Raulwing and Clutton-Brock 2009 propose that the
Buhen horse may have belonged to a 13th Dynasty officer at the fortress, who had a
chariot for his personal use. I will now suggest that the hyksosKhayan, ruling Lower
Egypt ca. 1675 BC, may have supplied a small chariotry to a 13th Dynasty vassal
(possibly Sobekhotep IV, but more likely a successor) in Upper Egypt, and that the
Buhen horse was part of that small chariotry. In any case, the horse was apparently
killed when Kushites stormed the fortress, which was then abandoned until its
rebuilding early in the New Kingdom.
128 Chariot warfare and militarism