96 Harrell 2014, p. 6. At p. 4 Harrell says that “a minimum of 36 blades are preserved
in Grave V and a minimum of 42 in Grave IV, although early estimates were much
higher.” In 1891, she notes, Carl Schuchhardt estimated sixty swords in Grave V.
97 Driessen and Macdonald 1984, p. 64.
98 Molloy 2010, pp. 404–409 describes the Mycenaean swords, from Type A to Type
Gii (Sandars’ basic classification). At pp. 414–422 Molloy, depending on “combat-
archaeology methodology,” offers a description of how the various sword types were
used in combat. For example, while the earlier swords may have been held with a
“hammer grip,” the Type C must have been designed for a “saber grip,” with the
index-finger curled around a quillon.
99 For the Sesklo spearhead see Avila 1983, no. 4, and for a corresponding schist mold
from Sesklo see his no. 5. At p. 6 Avila notes that the find circumstances of a shoed
spearhead from Dramesi (no. 2) are unknown, but on the basis of the pottery said to
have been associated with it he suggests “ZeitstellungMH III—SH II?” For the EH
spearhead from Lerna see Branigan 1974, no. 425.
100 Avila 1983, nos. 8–21. The Late Bronze Age “shoed” spearheads of Avila’s Type I
are nos. 1–7b in his catalogue.
101 According to Thomas 2014, p. 375, the many correspondences between Aegean and
Near Eastern or Egyptian art and artifacts suggested to Aegeanists that the lion in
Mycenaean art and myth was borrowed from Egypt and the Levant. “Most twentieth-
century scholars, therefore, concluded that the wild lion did not exist in Bronze Age
Greece. The odd tooth or lion bone that surfaced at Helladic sites could be explained
as the residue of imported pelts—or pets.” Most importantly, very few lion bones
had been found. “This picture has now completely changed. From the 1970s to date,
remains of Panthera leohave been found at thirteen sites in Greece and twenty-five
in southeastern Europe.” See also Thomas 1999 and 2004.
102 Georganas 2010, p. 307: “By 1300 BC, the spear had become a much smaller and
lighter weapon, with a length of about 2 m and a blade of 20–30 cm.”
103 On these ships see Roberts 1991, pp. 56–57.
104 Morris 1989, p. 521: “The miniature frescoes may be Minoan in their individual
images, but these motifs contribute to a Mycenaean theme, as recognized by numerous
scholars.” Mycenaean art, Morris argues, tends to tell a story, while Minoan art does
not, and she suggests that in these frescoes we may be looking at “the emergence of
Mycenaean art with the participation of Minoan artists.”
105 See Tomlinson 1995, p. 37, reporting on continuing excavations at Akrotiri: “Ten
sealings depict chariots, bull-games, and heraldic griffins.”
106 For a good overview of both in corpore remains and artistic representations of
Mycenaean boars’-tusk helmets (focusing on the probable painting of such helmets
on a papyrus from El Amarna) see Schofield and Parkinson 1994, pp. 164–166.
107 Anthony 2007, p. 181.
108 This helmet was sold by Christie’s in December of 1998, having been in private hands
since 1952, and is certainly authentic. It is described fully in Buchholz, Matthäus
and Wiener 2010. That the auctioned helmet is typologically earlier than the Knossos
helmet is argued by Mödlinger 2013a, p. 401:
Three helmets so far define the development from boar’s- tusk helmets to the
oldest European metal helmets: the boar’s-tusk helmet from Dendra with its
bronze cheek plates, closely resembling those from the helmet from Knossos;
the conical bronze helmet from the unknown find-spot, ornamented with incised
or punched boar’s tusk as decoration and with a spool-shaped socket; and, last,
the bronze helmet from Knossos with its bronze cheek plates, conical cap
profile and spool-shaped socket. Ten further bronze helmets with the same profile
and spool-shaped knob are known: they range across to the north-east of central
Europe, with a probable distribution centre in the northern Carpathian Bow.
Militarism in Greece 213