Religious Diversity 507
Rather than tolerance, Theoderic’s Jewish policy, like that of Roman emper-
ors before him, was guided above all by a desire to preserve order. In a second
letter to the Genoese Jews the king emphasized the preservation of their rights
and privileges in the context of his more general desire to uphold civilitas—
a word that encompasses notions of good government, stability, and the
continued rule of Roman law.23 When violence or public disorder disrupted
civilitas, Theoderic reacted decisively. For example, the Anonymus Valesianus
reports that in 519 or possibly 520 a mob in Ravenna had attacked and burned
the synagogues of the city. The Christians, it seems, had become incensed
by the fact that the Jews had thrown oblata—possibly holy water intended
for baptisms or perhaps something to do with the Eucharist—into the river.24
After a second wave of violence, members of the Jewish community pled their
case with the help of the praepositus cubicula Triwanis before Theoderic who
was then residing at Verona. Theoderic responded by ordering the Roman (i.e.
Catholic) community of Ravenna to finance the rebuilding of the destroyed
synagogues. Anyone lacking the financial means to contribute to the project
was to be whipped through the streets of the city.25
A perennial source of tension between Jews and Christians was slavehold-
ing. Legislation of the 4th and 5th centuries had sought to discourage Jews
from keeping non-Jewish slaves.26 The concern was not of course slavery per
se, but rather that Christian slaves would convert (or be converted) to Judaism
so that they could better perform various household duties that were restricted
to Jews under Jewish law.27 To prevent this emperors had promulgated laws
throughout the later Roman period that forbade the conversion of non-Jewish
slaves. Other laws banned Jews from owning Christian slaves entirely. However,
these prohibitions were not consistently enforced.28
23 Va r. 4.33. On civilitas see Saitta, La Civilitas di Teodorico, pp. 5–61 and more recently,
Arnold, Theoderic and the Roman Imperial Restoration, pp. 126–30, especially n. 28 with
references.
24 For oblata as relating to the Eucharist: Moorhead, Theoderic, p. 98 and in general on this
incident, pp. 98–9. See also Somekh, “Teoderico e gli Ebrei”, p. 139.
25 Anonymus Valesianus pars posterior (cited hereafter as Anon. Val.) 80–2, ed. Mommsen.
26 For example CT 16.9.1–5; 3.1.5. On the 4th century in particular see De Bonfils, Gli schiavi
degli ebrei.
27 On the various laws against Jewish proselytizing—the root of Christian objection to
Jewish slaveholding—see Feldman, Jew and Gentile, pp. 387–95.
28 E.g. CT 16.8.9; 16.8.21; 16.8.25–7. Enforcement does seem to have become stricter during
and after the reign of Theodosius II, but there are nonetheless references to Jewish own-
ership of Christians slaves well into the 6th century. For a detailed discussion on Jewish
slaveholding in the later Roman Empire, see Linder, Jews in Roman Imperial Legislation,