CHILDREN
rivalry between a child and a nonbiological parent in
the natal homestead, and more particularly among sib-
lings and half-siblings, was the product of a society in
which all male children had equal claim to patrimony.
The fosterage fee was calculated according to rank,
and appears to involve a cattle payment to be returned
with the child at the end of the fostering period. The
child may also take particular goods with him when
going into fosterage, such as items of clothing. The
legal material notes that it cost more to foster a female
child. There is not agreement, however, why this was
the case.
At the core of fosterage was the education of the
child, and by extension this permits us to see children
and education in a wider context in medieval Ireland.
The importance of education is emphasized through
the imposition of a fine (two-thirds of the fosterage
fee) if one of the required skills was not taught. The
type of education a child received was intrinsically
linked to his status. There was a strong pastoral empha-
sis to the education of children of the free-man grade
(for example, boys were taught kiln-drying and wood-
cutting; girls learned use of the quern, the kneading-
trough, and herding of lambs). Thus, practical education
is stressed. The children of higher noble grades were
taught more varied pursuits (for example: the boys,
board games and horse-riding; the girls, sewing,
embroidery, and cutting-out). There are also references
to play and toys, including particular games, which are
mostly of a physical nature. The archaeological record,
in addition to evidence for board games associated
more with adults, has produced at least some toys.
These include a wooden figure—possibly a doll—from
the crannóg of Lagore (Co. Meath), a lead spinning-
top from the rath of Ballycatteen (Co. Cork), and a
model boat from a Hiberno-Scandinavian context at
Dublin’s Wood Quay.
It would appear that a professional family would
educate a child within the tradition of his father’s pro-
fession, for example, a poet. The church was also a
vehicle where children were educated, possibly as part
of the community of secular monastic tenants, or with
the intention of taking religious orders. The church
played an important role in the sphere of childrearing,
taking responsibility for children who were aban-
doned, given as oblations, or placed in the monastic
setting to pursue education (to later return to the sec-
ular life). The ties created between children and their
superiors within the religious environment appear to
mirror the secular bonds created between child and
parent, or teacher and pupil in the professional sphere.
On the general upbringing of a child, we are
informed that this was determined by the child’s status.
According to the legal commentary, the attire of the
child reflected his status through color, the number of
clothing changes, and accessories to the clothing (trim-
mings and brooches). Similarly, the quality of food
indicated the status of the child. The selection of con-
diments and the basis of certain dishes (for example,
based on water or new milk) varied according to rank.
The child’s maternal and paternal kin-groups bore
responsibility for arranging and paying for the foster-
age period (what is referred to as co-fostering). Each
kin-group provided half the fosterage fee. The mater-
nal kin could protest against a fosterage placement. If
the fosterage undertaken was one of affection, the fos-
ter father and mother were not liable for the crimes
committed by the foster child. If it was fosterage for
payment, the foster parents would be financially
responsible, thus indicating the serious nature of this
practice.
The age of the child when a crime was committed,
the nature of the crime, and the number of prior
offenses were taken into consideration when deciding
what punishment was suitable. The foster father had
to pay for the fines incurred, until he vocally “pro-
claimed” his foster son to his natural father. This step
removed any financial responsibility for certain
crimes, if the child was habitually criminal while under
his charge. Discipline noted is chastisement as an ini-
tial measure, followed by fasting if the child repeats
the act. Finally, restitution for the crime committed is
prescribed within the legal sources. If the child was
blemished in any way while in fosterage, the foster
father forfeited two-thirds of the fosterage fee. Within
the legal sphere, foster parents had the power of proof,
judgement, and witness over foster children. This posi-
tion was normally restricted to the natural kin.
Completion of fosterage was strictly regulated. Two
errors noted are the premature returning of the child
by the foster parents, or the premature taking back of
the child by the biological parents. Either action
resulted in compensation payment to the offended
party. On completion of fosterage (around fourteen
years of age for a girl and around seventeen for a boy),
thesét gertha (sétof maintenance) was an important
payment made to the foster child by the foster parents.
This payment reflects the lifelong bond and obligation
placed on the foster child to maintain the foster parents
in later life, if necessary. Children were obliged to
maintain their biological parents in similar circum-
stances. The provision of care for foster parents in
times of poverty, and general maintenance in old age
(goire), was expected. Such extensions of rights that
we may associate with biological relationships reflect
the standing of the foster kin vis-à-vis the natural kin.
Further benefits to all parties created through this
method of childrearing include a source for military
aid, legal support, and intensification of friendship
between the foster parents and natural parents. The