Within weeks of his coronation Henry began prepara-
tions for his Romzug, the journey to Rome for coronation
as emperor. Although several of his predecessors had
avoided it, Henry felt a need to gain the prestige that
the Germans associated with the imperial title, given his
own dynastic obscurity and the concessions he had made
to be elected. He also wanted to reassert the imperial
presence in Italy, which, although practically semi-au-
tonomous, was legally subject to the emperor.
In July 1309, Henry assured Pope Clement V, who
was resident in Avignon, that he would observe and
defend the rights and privileges of the cities of the papal
states and would embark, as emperor, on a crusade. In
return, the pope formally supported Henry’s journey.
During the spring of 1310, royal emissaries traveled
through Lombardy and Tuscany to prepare the cities for
Henry’s arrival. In early November 1310, Henry arrived
in Turin accompanied by some 5,000 men, including 500
cavalry. Henry would never cross the Alps again.
Northern Italy was fragmented into nearly indepen-
dent city-states that often suffered from deep social and
political divisions. Guelfs and Ghibellines fought openly
in cities, often making bitter, potent exiles of the los-
ers. Urban nobles had long clashed with the non-noble
classes over interests and political power bases, and in
many cities strong leaders emerged as one-man rulers,
or signori. For decades, cities had created and followed
their own laws and policies, controlled their hinterlands,
and maintained delicate intercity relations by custom
and compromise without reference to imperial interests.
Although Henry had been a successful politician and
lord north of the Alps, his ignorance of Italian institu-
tions, politics, and recent history would prove fatal to
him in Italy. With the best intentions—he wanted to be
an impartial conciliator and peacemaker—he would up-
set these complicated relationships by consciously sup-
porting Ghibellines and nobles, deposing old signori and
imposing new ones, pressing imperial claims to what
had become communal lands and rights, and replacing
communal statutes with imperial laws.
As early as March 1310, Tuscan cities led by Florence
and Bologna created a Guelf defensive league, nomi-
nally under the patronage of the pope and the Angevin
King Robert of Naples. The league wanted guarantees
against imperial interference in communal affairs; in
return, the league would support Henry with cash and
troops. Early in his campaign, Henry confi rmed the
Guelfs’ fears. Between 11 November and 11 Decem-
ber he radically interfered in the affairs of the town of
Asti—reorganizing political offi ces, releasing offi cials,
and retrying criminals. As Henry marched toward Milan,
the Guelf signore Guido della Torre refused to give up
his palace or his personal mercenary guard. Guido’s
defi ance remained peaceful, however, and on 23 De-
cember Henry entered Milan. He soon replaced Guido
with the Ghibelline Matteo Visconti. On 6 January 1311,
Henry was crowned king of the Lombards; the dismayed
Tuscan Guelfs avoided attending the ceremony. The
Milanese offered Henry a “gift” of 100,000 fl orins; and
Henry, taking 100 young noblemen as a bodyguard (and
hostages), left Milan on 14 February.
On 10 January, Henry had made his brother-in-law,
Amadeus of Savoy, vicar-general of Lombardy, to act
as fi scal, judicial, and military agent of the king. This
arrangement would cost the cities some 300,000 fl orins
per year. By February, Guelf forces reacted. On 12
February, the della Torre faction revolted in Milan and
were put down with moderation. Later in the month
Brescia, Crema, Cremona, and Reggio expelled both
their Ghibellines and their imperial vicars. Again, Henry
responded moderately, but the rebels resisted and holed
up in Cremona. Many of them submitted to Henry on
26 April, but he took revenge by destroying the city
gates and walls and the rebels’ houses, imposing fi nes,
and withdrawing civic rights and privileges. Resistance
stiffened, and by 19 May Henry’s army was besieging
Brescia. Despite plague and desertion, it remained in
place for four months and broke the resistance. Harsh
reprisals, but no death penalties, followed.
Henry moved on to Genoa, arriving on 21 October.
Town leaders and the king carried out long negotiations
over regalian rights in the countryside, most of which
Henry retained or regained. Between October 1311 and
mid-February 1312, when Henry left for Pisa, Guelfs in
Lodi, Reggio, Cremona, Piacenza, Parma, Pavia, Padua,
and Brescia rebelled against their imperial governments.
Since Florence was the key supporter of the revolts,
Henry declared all Florentines rebels and released their
debtors of their debts. Revolts in Brescia, Lodi, and Pia-
cenza were quelled, but in April both Asti and Treviso
rebelled. Pisa welcomed Henry on 6 March, and while
he waited for reinforcements he wisely refrained from
interfering in Pisan affairs.
By 7 May, Henry’s force was outside Rome, now
controlled by Angevin Guelfs from Naples. Henry’s
long-delayed coronation was delayed further by military
resistance in Rome. Despite a major victory on 26 May,
Henry could not capture Saint Peter’s, so the pope’s
reluctant representatives crowned Henry in Saint John
Lateran (29 June 1312). The new emperor now turned
against Tuscany to punish Florence. In mid-September
Henry’s siege began, with 15,000 men and 2,000 cavalry
against the Florentines’ 60,000 men and 4,000 knights.
The operation was unsuccessful, though it lasted six
weeks.
On 10 March 1313, Henry reentered faithful Pisa.
His patience long since exhausted, the emperor con-
demned all inhabitants of rebellious cities to be captured,
stripped, and hanged. Papal interests were also threat-
ened as Henry condemned Bologna, for example, andHENRY VII OF LUXEMBOURG