its own status, it also had roots in the previous status,
thus producing the overlap. By far the most important
of these lesser sequences was a pattern of sevens arrang-
ing the Old and New Testament stages of history. There
was some precedent for this among previous exegetes,
who had often divided history into seven periods. But
whereas traditional commentators such as Augustine
envisioned the seventh period as a time of peace beyond
the end of history, Joachim placed his seventh age before
the last judgment. He considered this seventh age to be
concomitant with the third status. Joachim was also
original in imposing a pattern of concordant double
sevens subdividing the seven ages: one a sequence of
seven seals that appeared during the second and third
ages, the other a sequence of seven openings of the seals
that occurred in the sixth age. Joachim believed that he
was living at the end of the sixth age and near the end of
the fi fth seal-opening, so he speculated a good deal on
the identity of contemporaries who might fi gure in the
transition to the next age. This established an important
precedent for his followers.
Joachim’s Trinitarian concerns led him to question
Peter Lombard’s commonly accepted description of the
unity of the Trinity, vera et propria, suggesting instead
collectiva et similitudi-naria. This formulation was
condemned as tritheistic at the Fourth Lateran Council
in 1215. The council’s failure to comment on the rest
of Joachim’s doctrines created uncertainty about his
orthodoxy, and this uncertainty was never really re-
solved. While many were drawn to Joachim’s vision of
a coming spiritual age, others remained suspicious of
his doctrine. In the mid-thirteenth century and the early
fourteenth, Joachim’s reputation suffered further blows.
His predictions regarding the two orders of spiritual men
who would herald the new status attracted the interest of
the newly founded Dominicans and Franciscans. Soon
radical Franciscans had woven their own apocalyptic
notions around Joachim’s thought. Gerard of Borgo San
Donnino’s Eternal Evangel was condemned as heretical
in 1255. The doctrines of the Spiritual Franciscans met
a similar fate in the 1310s. Both were deeply rooted in
Joachim’s teachings, and their censure increased doubts
about his orthodoxy.
Joachim’s double reputation as a prophet and a heretic
continued into modern times. Thomas Aquinas, Duns
Scotus, and the sixteenth-century historian Cesare Bar-
onius all considered him heterodox; Dante, Boccaccio,
and the usually skeptical Bollandist Daniel Papebroch
considered him a prophet. Early Protestant writers were
similarly divided. During the Enlightenment, attacks on
the notion of prophecy drastically diminished Joachim’s
infl uence, but in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
it could still be found in fi gures as diverse as Auguste
Comte and Carl Jung.
See also Dante Alighieri; Henry VI; Richard I
Further Reading
Editions
Joachim of Fiore. Liber de concordia Novi ac Veteris Testa-
menti, ed. E. Randolph Daniel. Transactions of the American
Philosophical Society, 73(8). Philadelphia, Pa.: American
Philosophical Society, 1983.
———. Enchiridion super Apocalypsim, ed. Edward Kilian
Burger. Studies and Tests, 78. Toronto: Pontifi cal Institute of
Mediaeval Studies, 1986.
Studies
Bloomfi eld, Morton. “Recent Scholarship on Joachim of Flora
and His Infl uence.” In Prophecy and Millenarianism: Essays
in Honour of Marjorie Reeves, ed. Ann Williams. Essex:
Longman, 1980, pp. 23–52.
Daniel, E. Randolph. “The Double Procession of the Holy Spirit
in Joachim of Fiore’s Understanding of History.” Speculum,
55, 1980, pp. 469–483.
Emmerson, Richard K., and Bernard McGinn, eds. The Apoca-
lypse in the Middle Ages. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University
Press, 1992.
Lee, Harold, Marjorie Reeves, and Giulio Silano. Western Medi-
terranean Prophecy: The School of Joachim of Fiore and the
Fourteenth-Century Breviloquium. Studies and Texts, 88.
Toronto: Pontifi cal Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1989.
McGinn, Bernard. The Calabrian Abbot: Joachim of Fiore in the
History of Western Thought. New York: Macmillan, 1985.
Potestà, Gian Luca, ed. Il profetismo gioachimita tra Quattrocento
e Cinquecento: Atti del III Congresso Internazionale di Studi
Gioachimiti, S. Giovanni in Fiore, 17–21 settembre 1989.
Genoa: Marietti, 1991.
Reeves, Marjorie. The Infl uence of Prophecy in the Later Middle
Ages: A Study in Joachimism. Oxford: Clarendon, 1969.
——. Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future. London:
SPCK, 1976.
——. “The Originality and Infl uence of Joachim of Fiore.” Tra-
ditio, 36, 1980, pp. 269–316. Reeves, Marjorie, and Beatrice
Hirsch-Reich. The Figurae of Joachim of Fiore. Oxford-War-
burg Studies. Oxford: Clarendon, 1972.
West, Delno C., ed. Joachim of Fiore in Christian Thought: Essays
on the Infl uence of the Calabrian Abbot, 2 vols. New York:
Burt Franklin, 1974.
West, Delno C., and Sandra Zimdars-Swartz. Joachim of Fiore:
A Study in Spiritual Perception and History. Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1983.
Thomas TurleyJOANNA I OF NAPLES
(1326–1382, r. 1343–1382)
Joanna (Joan, Joanne, Giovanna) was queen regnant of
Naples. She was the elder daughter of Robert the Wise,
king of Naples, and was married four times: to Andrew
of Hungary (in 1340), Louis of Taranto (1347), James
of Majorca (1362), and Otto of Brunswick (1375). She
had no surviving issue.
In 1345, Andrew was assassinated. His death pro-
voked an invasion by his brother, Louis the Great of
Hungary, who accused Joanna of complicity in Andrew’s
murder and claimed the throne for himself (as the
grandson of Charles Martel, fi rstborn son of Charles I
of Anjou). Louis entered Naples in 1348. Few ItaliansJOACHIM OF FIORE