notes to pp. 30–34 539
in the late biblical period as a reflection of Babylonian and Persian religious influ-
ences, see D. S. Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic
(Philadephia, 1964), 257 - 62; on Ecclesiastes: Eccl 1:2; M. Hengel, Judaism and
Hellenism, 2 vols. (London, 1974), 1. 115 - 28 (Greek influence); R. N. Whybray,
Ecclesiastes (Sheffield, 1989), 15 - 30 (dating criteria). 6. Jos. Ap. 1. 39 - 40; on
‘the law and the prophets’ in the New Testament, see J. Barton, ‘ “The Law and
the Prophets”: Who are the Prophets?’, Oudtestamentische Studien 23 (1984),
15; on the Pentateuch at Qumran, see E. Tov, Hebrew Bible, Greek Bible, and
Qumran: Collected Essays (Tübingen, 2008), 131; on Moses, see Num 12: 7 - 8;
Deut 34:10; Num 20:12; Exod 20:1; 34:1; Lev 4:1. 7. Jos. Ap. 1: 37 - 40.
- On the concept of canon, see J. Barton, Oracles of God (New York, 2007), 1 - 95.
- Jos. BJ 2. 229 - 31 (scroll), 289 - 92 (Caesarea); Jos. Vit. 418 (gift); m. Yad 3:2;
M. Goodman, ‘Sacred Scripture and “Defiling the Hands” ’, in idem, Judaism in
the Roman World (Leiden, 2007), 69 - 78; 2 Sam 6:7 (Uzzah); copying rules: m.
Meg. 1:8; m. Men. 3:7; on the rules for the decorative flourishes (tagin ), see b.
Men. 29b; on the divine name in Qumran scrolls, see J. P. Siegel, ‘The Employ-
ment of Paleo- Hebrew Characters for the Divine Names at Qumran in Light of
Tannaitic Sources’, HUCA 42 (1971), 159 - 72. 10. On archetypes of texts kept
in Jerusalem, see A. van der Kooij, ‘Preservation and Promulgation: The Dead Sea
Scrolls and the Textual History of the Hebrew Bible’, in N. Dávid et al., eds., The
Hebrew Bible in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls (Göttingen, 2012), 29 - 40; on the
biblical texts as found in Qumran, see E. Tov, ‘The Biblical Texts from the Judaean
Desert’, in E. D. Herbert and E. Tov, eds., The Bible as Book (London, 2002),
139 - 66; on Ezra as scribe, see Ezra 7:6, 11, 12; on Qumran scribes, see Tov, Heb‑
rew Bible, Greek Bible, and Qumran, 112 - 20; for a discussion of the available
evidence for scribes, see C. Schams, Jewish Scribes in the Second‑ Temple Period
(Sheffield, 1998); for everyday scribal practice, see H. M. Cotton and A. Yardeni,
eds., Aramaic, Hebrew and Greek Documentary Texts from Nahal Hever and
Other Sites (Oxford, 1997); on ‘rendering the hands unclean’, see m. Yad 3:5; on
religious sculpture, see Cic. Verr. II.4.2. 11. On the date of the latest part of the
biblical book of Daniel, see L. L. Grabbe, Judaism from Cyrus to Hadrian (Lon-
don, 1994), 226; on the variety of translators of the Septuagint, see J. M. Dines,
The Septuagint (London, 2004), 13 - 24; for detailed discussion of the letter of
Aristeas, see S. Honigman, The Septuagint and Homeric Scholarship in Alexan‑
dria: A Study in the Narrative of the Letter of Aristeas (London, 2003); on the
Pharos festival, see Philo, Vita Mos. II.41; on the translation process, see Let.
Aris. 302; Philo, Vita Mos. II. 36 - 7. 12. On the Septuagint as a Christian docu-
ment, see M. Hengel, The Septuagint as Christian Scripture: Its Prehistory and
the Problem of its Canon (London, 2002); on the Greek text of the minor proph-
ets in Qumran, see E. Tov, R. A. Kraft and P. J. Parsons, The Greek Minor
Prophets Scroll from Nahal Hever: 8 Hev XII gr (Oxford, 1990); K. H. Jobes and
M. Silva, Invitation to the Septuagint (Grand Rapids, Mich., 2000), 171 - 3; on the
Septuagint in the Babylonian Talmud, see b. Meg. 9a; on the uses of the targu‑
mim, see J. Bowker, The Targums and Rabbinic Literature: An Introduction to
Jewish Interpretations of Scripture (Cambridge, 1969), 23 - 8; on the revisions of