Burnt by the Sun. The Koreans of the Russian Far East - Jon K. Chang

214 Notes to Pages 62–68

49. “Vytravim gnezdo shovinizma,” Krasnoe znamia, April 2, 1930, 75 (2899): 3.


50. The “plan” refers to Soviet centralized economic and social planning.


51. Pak, Koreitsy v Sovetskoi, 115.


52. Kuzin, Dalnevotochnye, 34.


53. Wada, Koreans in the Soviet Far East, 34.


54. Ibid., and Fuchs, “Soviet Far East,” 215–216.


55. Bone, “Socialism in a Far Country,” 256.


56. Kuzin, Dalnevostochnye, 35.


57. Stephan opined, “But as a rule, central control decreased with distance from
    urban centers in general and from Moscow in par tic u lar.” See J. J. Stephan, Rus sian Far
    East, 173.


58. Bugai and Pak, 14 0 let, 206–207.


59. Wada, “Koreans in the Soviet Far East,” 34, and Gelb, “Early Soviet Ethnic De-
    portation,” 392.


60. Przhevalskii used this term in regard to the “correct colonization” of the Kalmyk
    steppe with Eu ro pean colonists in the 1860s. See Sunderland, Taming the Wild Field, 156.


61. “Raselenie koreitsev,” Krasnoe znamia, November 1, 1925, no. 250 (1565). This
    article established Rus sians as “primus inter pares” regarding land and colonization in 1925.
    The unequal distribution of Soviet resources was occurring in Central Asia as well during
    this period; see Lynn- Edgar, Tribal Nation, 82.


62. In 1914, under Tsarist land distribution norms, for every one acre that Kyrgyz
    peasants received, Eu ro pean colonists received three, see Brower, Turkestan and the Fate of
    the Rus sian Empire, 149.


63. This is a good example that Rus sians as primus inter pares occurred much earlier
    than the mid-1930s at least in the distribution of land and resources.


64. Bugai and Pak, 14 0 let, 209.


65. Bennigsen and Lemercier- Quelquejay, Islam in the Soviet Union, 154–155.


66. Lynn- Edgar, Tribal Nation, 92–98.


67. Fuchs, “Soviet Far East,” 213.


68. Ibid., 212.


69. This linkage of Koreans with Japa nese expansion can also be seen as an early form
    of the Soviet revival of the “yellow peril.”


70. The caricatures and illustrations in this chapter, which seemingly appealed to
    populist racial ste reo types, are from Krasnoe znamia.


71. Semyon Anosov, “Nado razreshit koreiskii vopros,” Krasnoe znamia, February 13,
    1927, no. 36 (1949):1. Anosov was a professor in the Far Eastern State University’s Oriental
    Studies Department (Vostfak) sometime after 1923. Dates of his employment as a professor
    are unspecified; see Khisamutdinov, Tri stoletiia izucheniia Dalnego Vostoka, 50.


72. There are reports that the planned quota of 1,700 Koreans to Kazakhstan was
    not met. Instead, according to one report, only 220 Koreans were sent to Kazakhstan by
    the end of 1929. See G. N. Kim and Ross King, eds., “Koryo Saram: Koreans in the For-
    mer USSR,” special issue, Korean and Korean- American Studies Bulletin 12, no. 2 (2001):
    1 2 , 27.


73. Polian, Against Their Will, 62.


74. “47,000 Koreitsev pereselautsia v Khabarovskii okrug: 1000 chelovek budit pere-
    seleny v etom godu,” Krasnoe znamia, July 28, 1928, no. 173 (2386): 3.


75. Peter Holquist, “Conduct Merciless Mass Terror: Decossackization of the Don,
    1919,” Cahiers du Monde russe 38, nos. 1/2 (1997): 131, 138. Page 131 states: “The presumed