Burnt by the Sun. The Koreans of the Russian Far East - Jon K. Chang
218 Notes to Pages 82–85
- “The G reat Retreat brought a role- reversal. Non- Russians were required to express
repeatedly and ritualistically their gratitude to the Rus sians for their ‘brotherly help’ and their
admiration and love for the great Rus sian culture.” See Martin, Affirmative Action Empire, 455.
- Alexander Motyl explained: “No less impor tant, for most of Soviet history such
sentiments and be hav ior [‘chauvinist attitudes and imperialist ideals,’ referred to in the sen-
tence preceding this quote] were encouraged by the state, which often rewarded them with
positive sanctions and generally refused to forbid them by negative ones.” See Motyl, Sovi-
etology, Rationality, Nationality, 169. Also see my Chapter 4.
- Fuchs, “Soviet Far East,” 203, and Romanova, Vlast i evrei na Dalnem Vostoke
Rossii, 246–247. The case of the Chinese coolie in 19th entury North Amerc i ca whose treat-
ment and legal status fluctuated between the categories of slave and immigrant has strong
parallels to the Koreans of this study as a “colonizing ele ment.” See Moon Ho Jung, Coolies
and Cane: Race, Labor, and Sugar in the Age of Emancipation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 2006), 222–223.
- Poset, which was located on the Russian- Korean border, became a Korean au-
tonomous raion in 1927. Nam, “Koreiskii natsionalnyi raion,” 6, 15–16. The Korean popula-
tion of Poset raion was 95 percent in 1935 and likely the same percentage in the 1920s, as
this was the first region settled by Koreans in the Primore. See Bugai and Pak, 14 0 let, 2 37.
- Wada, “Koreans in the Soviet Far East,”45.
- See Hausen, Establishment of the National Republics in Central Asia, 1–8, 159–172.
- Their request for a Korean National Autonomous region was correlated to districts
(raions) in which Koreans were a majority or a significant proportion of the population.
- Khan mentioned that Koreans had large populations in Poset, Suifun, and Olgin
raions and requested a region that would encompass areas where Koreans had large popula-
tions, which would include more than three raions; see Li and Kim, Belaia kniga, 4 6 – 47.
The Dalkrai Bureau of the Comintern turned in a request (again) for a Korean Autonomous
Oblast in May of 1924. That request specifically states “oblast,” whereas the 1922 request
does not; see Martin, Affirmative Action Empire, 317.
- Vanin, Koreitsy v SSSR, 125–126.
- Fuchs, “Soviet Far East,” 204–205.
- Nam, Rossiiskie Koreitsy, 104, and Nam, “Koreiskii natsionalnyi raion,” 13.
- NKID meant the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs.
- Nam, Rossiiskie Koreitsy, 104.
- Hara, “Korean Movement,” 19, stated “ ‘such a matter as disturbing friendly rela-
tions with Japan should be avoided as much as pos si ble.’ In real ity, this meant that the Rus-
sian authorities ordered Koreans units to be disarmed.”
- Korean partisans had already been repatriated to Korea despite Japa nese rule and
certain punishment and/or death administered by Japa nese authorities; B. D. Pak, Khan
Myon Se, 22.My transliteration of the name for Andrei Khan is Khan Myon She through-
out this text. Note that B. D. Pak spells “She” as Se.
- Khan Myon Se erroneously lists the date as August 18, 1923. It should be Janu-
ary 18, 1923, as reported by Nam’s Rossiiskie Koreitsy.
- Li and Kim, Belaia kniga, 63.
- Pak, Khan Myon Se, 22–23, and Nam, Rossiiskie Koreitsy, 104–106. Neither
source explains why the deportation was not carried out.
- This idea of Asians living off of less reverts to the ideas found in Grave, Kitaitsy,
75, 147.
- RGIA- DV, f. 85, op. 1, d. 16, ll. 23–24.
