Burnt by the Sun. The Koreans of the Russian Far East - Jon K. Chang
226 Notes to Pages 121–126
- Il Khe, Interview by Jon Chang, April 23, 2010, Kolkhoz Politotdel, Tashkent,
Uzbekistan.
- Katherine B. Eaton, Daily Life in the Soviet Union (Westport, CT: Greenwood
Press, 2004), 136. Page 136 cites Solzhenitsyn, who wrote about production quotas on So-
viet kolkhozes and the fact that some collectives would throw out members who were not
meeting their quotas.
- Iliaron Em, Interviews 1 and 2 by Jon Chang, Tashkent, Uzbekistan, June 17,
2008, and June 14, 2009. There seem to have been some kind of health issues with his
mother, and for that reason too the family was not meeting the planned individual produc-
tion (norma) in regard to their family’s quota. The kolkhoz made Iliaron work so much extra
that he did not have a regular childhood, even for Korean deportees.
- See Kim En Nok Interview.
- See Kim Gum Soi interview.
- See Raisa Nigai Interview.
- Elena Kan, Interview by Jon Chang, September 6, 2009, Toi Te Pa, Uzbekistan.
- Wendy Goldman cited Soviet research showing that among factory workers in
the 1920s, men on average had three hours leisure per day while women had two hours
and twenty minutes. The report stated that women spent on average five hours a day on
house work (including cooking), and men just two hours. The principal finding was that
women spent two and a half times more time on house work than men. The men in this
study also slept longer than the women. It is the author’s contention that rural women on
the collectives worked more hours per week than urban women due to the lack of finished
goods and ser vices (e.g., meals, washing clothes, preparation of vegetables, etc.) in the rural
areas. See Goldman, Women, the State and Revolution, 130.
- Nadezhda Li, Interview by Jon Chang, June 1, 2009, Severnyi Maiak, Uzbekistan;
and Ok In Pak, Interview by Jon Chang, June 10, 2009, Kolkhoz Pravda, Uzbekistan.
- The Koreans’ condition after their deportation was unique. They were “administra-
tively settled” outside of Tashkent but not allowed to reside or move there from September 28,
1938, onward according to an Uzbek NKVD order signed by Captain Meer (entire document
reprinted from Uzbek Soviet archives). See V. D. Kim, Pravda polveka spustia, 132. This order
was not repealed until Koreans were again taken into the Red Army, which began in 1953.
This prohibition made it more difficult for Koreans to obtain manufactured goods such as pants,
dresses, etc. than, for example, Tashkent urbanites, thus increasing the workload for Korean
women. Regarding the shoes made from tires, see Vladimir Sergeevich Kim, Interview by
Jon Chang, September 14, 2009, Politotdel, Tashkent, Uzbekistan; and Nikolai Ton, Inter-
view by Jon Chang, September 14, 2009, Staryi Leninskii Put, Tashkent, Uzbekistan.
- Th ese cafés were illegal but existed, and it was noted that the authorities (police
and NKVD) were not interdicting their business. The cafés served all nationalities in the
Primore. See RGIA- DV-f. 1167, op. 1, d. 41, l. 1. Suli and hanshin ere the names of the w
Korean and Chinese alcoholic liquors, respectively.
- Lev Kharitonovich Chugai, Interview by Jon Chang, May 26, 2009, KaraSuu,
Tashkent, Uzbekistan.
- Maia Kim, Interview by Jon Chang, September 14, 2009, Politotdel, Tashkent, Uz-
bekistan; and Sergei Kim, Interview by Jon Chang, September 8, 2009, Politotdel, Tashkent,
Uzbekistan.
- Portelli, The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories, 29–80, and Portelli, The
Battle of Valle Giulia, 3–23, 72–90. As an example of oral history’s multivocality, some de-
portees made statements as el derly eighty- to ninety- year- olds that clearly reflected the pain
