Burnt by the Sun. The Koreans of the Russian Far East - Jon K. Chang

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228 Notes to Pages 128–132


  1. Regarding primordialism in the Soviet period, see Arsenev’s “white paper.” Re-
    garding resource “ battles” between Koreans and Rus sians, see Martin, Affirmative Action
    Empire, 323, and Martin, “Origins of Soviet Ethnic Cleansing,” 837.

  2. Li and Kim, Belaia kniga, 114 –115.

  3. Petr Pak Interview and Viktor Li interview. Both indicated that Koreans typi-
    cally went to Manchuria. Returning to Korea would also have meant certain death for So-
    viet Koreans due either to repression as Soviet spies or to the harsh conditions of Japa nese
    rule and even harsher ones for those without land.

  4. To discuss this issue some seventy plus years after the deportation indicates that
    the lack of an autonomous region remained an unresolved issue with the Soviet Koreans.
    See Anatolii Kim, Interview by Jon Chang, July  19, 2006, Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan; and
    Serafima Kim Interview.

  5. After the dissolution of the USSR, Koreans spoke of creating an autonomous
    oblast in Kzyl Orda, Kazakhstan, or in the RFE; see “Koryo Saram: Koreans in the Former
    USSR,” ed. Ross King and German N. Kim, Korean and Korean- American Studies Bulletin
    12, no. 2, special issue (2001): 104, 112n29.

  6. V. D. Kim, Pravda polveka spustia, 129.

  7. See Il Khe Interview. Mr. Khe (pronounced He) recounted that there was pos si-
    ble sabotage during this demonstration. During the demonstration, a fire began and Il
    Khe’s father was burned, but managed to escape.

  8. “Voprosy mestnogo natsionalizma,” Krasnoe znamia, January 19, 1931, no. 15 (3182).

  9. “Pridaviia iskluchitalnoe znachenie prakticheskomy provedeniu Leninskoi nat-
    sionalnoi politiki,” Krasnoe znamia, January 31, 1931, no. 25 (3192): 2.

  10. Kawakami, Manchukuo, 191–193.

  11. Japan began the recruitment of Koreans (from Japan, Korea, and Manchukuo)
    into the Imperial Army in 1938; see Aiko, “Koreans in the Imperial Army,” 2 03.

  12. RGIA- DV, f.85, op. 1, d. 28–1, ll. 147–149.

  13. Stalin, J. V. Stalin Works, 12:146.

  14. The cultural links between China, Japan, and Korea had diverged thousands of
    years ago. Norman French was once spoken in Eng land; should the Soviets have doubted
    the loyalties of the En glish as allies after the fall of France? The conflation of the po liti cal
    loyalties of Chinese and Koreans to Japan is far- fetched given the rec ord of re sis tance to
    Japa nese expansion on the part of the Chinese and Koreans prior to the Second World
    Wa r.

  15. NARA, T1249, rg 59, roll 71, frame 51, date 1935.

  16. Fuchs, “Soviet Far East,” 212.

  17. Haruki Wada, VKP (b), Komintern i Iaponia, 1917–1941 (Moscow: ROSSPEN,
    20 01), 46 – 49.

  18. Bone, “Socialism in a Far Country,” 47.

  19. This school was closed in 1937; see Hiroaki Kuromiya, e- mail to author, March 26,

  20. Professor Kuromiya mentions that this information comes from the book Bokokuko by
    Ryoko Nakatsu (1984) who was twelve when her family left Vladivostok in 1 937.

  21. RGIA- DV, f. 144, op. 5, d. 6, ll. 156–157, 187.

  22. The archive report was some thirty pages long.

  23. MacArthur Archives, RG-6, Box 99, Folder 1, Annex I, 7–8. Box 99, Folder 1, is
    a report composed from interrogations of Japa nese intelligence and military intelligence
    leaders after World War II.

  24. Kuromiya and Mamoulia, “Anti- Russian and Anti- Soviet Subversion,” 1416.

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