Honored by the Glory of Islam. Conversion and Conquest in Ottoman Europe

14 introduction

abandons, and the one he or she joins. Conversion here is begun by rituals of

rejection and bridge burning, which hinder return to the original way and allow

the convert to demonstrate commitment to the new religiosity or religion, to

transition into it, and to be incorporated by the members of the group he or

she is joining.^13 Converts change their daily private and public routine; learn

another sacred tongue; dress differently; act and move according to a differ-

ent choreography of ritual and prayer; consume certain food and drink and no

longer consume others; surround themselves with a new group of people and

separate from others, even family members, including spouses who do not fol-

low the new piety or faith; and face the consequences of their decision, which

may lead to newfound popularity with some members of society and a cutting

of ties with others. Conversion leads to social mobility offered by a change in

status and communal affi liation. The convert engages in rituals of deconstruc-

tion, which demonstrate a severing of former beliefs and behaviors, and in

symbolic acts of reconstruction.

Part of demonstrating that one is a new person may entail public testi-

mony praising the new piety or religion, promoting one’s commitment to

it to prove oneself in the eyes of one’s new coreligionists, and condemning

those left behind.^14 Converts continually engage in rituals that symbolize the

change, allow them to perform piety, embody the new religious identity, and

play a role in society that satisfi es expectations and consolidates their new place

and involvement with the group.^15 Yet there are instances when a convert to

another religion cannot or does not wish to completely reject or break away

from former beliefs and practices, but instead continues to engage in some of

them despite privately and publicly changing religion. There may be an adap-

tation or modifi cation of the former and new ways of life, potentially encour-

aged by the converter or mediator as a temporary means of ensuring religious

transformation.^16

Most scholars writing about religious conversion today have moved away

from the school of thought associated with the eminent William James, based

on an uncritical reading of converts’ narratives that emphasizes the (Protes-

tant) individual’s psychological experience of conversion. Historical sources,

especially Ottoman material, seldom provide insight into the converted, so the

psychological approach developed fi rst by James is limited in its utility. Instead

of such an interiorist approach, which focuses on an individual in isolation,

scholars emphasize the social and historical context and aspects of conver-

sion, arguing that conversion is motivated by social relationships and inter-

personal bonds. Arguing against James, they maintain that conversion, which

entails internal and external transformation, whether revivalist or transition

to another tradition, does not occur in a vacuum, is not merely the result of an