Loyal Turks or Fake Muslims? man, who presented sociological reasons for their isolation, Gövsa argued
Dönme did not intermarry and engaged in mutual assistance because
they were following the commandments of Shabbatai Tzevi ( 71 ). Dönme
acted as Muslims, yet actually celebrated religious festivals according to
the traditions of Shabbatai Tzevi, some members of the group still enact-
ing them ( 79 – 80 ). Gövsa attacks the series of articles written by Yalman
for hiding the practice of Dönme religion, saying that Vatan, “which is
published by the Shabbatean group,” had published these articles as a
response to the claims of Rüştü. The series “hides the special command-
ments of the Shabbatean group and takes every opportunity to claim that
the group’s traditions are either about to disappear, or have disappeared.”
What Gövsa found, however, was the contrary: “But even if what they
claim may be true for some, it cannot be denied that some of Shabbatai’s
beliefs are still kept alive, his customs are enacted from birth to death,
and there are Shabbateans who maintain their separateness by living in
distinct neighborhoods and being buried in separate cemeteries” ( 81 – 82 ).
For Gövsa, the Dönme had established a distinct religion. He criticizes
Vatan for not saying that the Shabbateans had their own belief system,
distinct from Judaism, and that they and their community and life were
organized around it ( 82 ). Vatan had claimed that the Dönme had become
a closed community because of lack of acceptance by the larger commu-
nity, but Gövsa argues that internal religious reasons, particularly commit-
ment to the eighteen commandments of Shabbatai Tzevi, such as “Only
marry among yourselves. Only engage in their customs and rituals so they
(Muslims) see you performing them” ( 83 ), compelled them to guard their
distinctness, not merely conservatism. The old walls had been torn down
for some, but the other walls had become stronger ( 84 ). And at the time
was writing, religious motivation continued to be primary. The Dönme
did not only engage in endogamy and mutual assistance out of conserva-
tism, Gövsa asserts, and nor were the only believers who remained elderly.
On the contrary, children recited Dönme prayers, and endogamous mar-
riage customs were central to their entire belief system ( 84 ).
As to Yalman’s suggestion that the Dönme model of mutual assistance
be applied to all of society, Gövsa writes acerbically: “If people who be-
lieve the same thing help each other, why would they help others who
do not believe? Don’t they keep a separate graveyard due to their beliefs
as well? Calling it ‘ridiculous’ cannot cover it up. What is ridiculous is
believing he [Yalman] can fool everyone.” ( 85 ).