6 introduction
us about their notions of alterity. It is then almost impossible to find
any firm points or hidden references, which are otherwise so typical
for understanding alterity in sedentary civilizations, especially those of
the “Big Tradition”.^9
This is not to say that nomads did not have stereotypical notions
of the sedentary Other. On the contrary, they seem to have attributed
to the Other a stereotypical identity or at least features, which would
become apparent in the course of this study. Stereotypes make people
feel secure and stable, since they exploit a sense of familiarity. It all
appears as if stereotypes can guarantee the preservation of the well
known order and provide especially important support for both the
individual and the community. They seem to ‘promise’ commemora-
tion of the Self as long as the ‘rules’ and the ‘order’, made sacred by
tradition, are strictly observed.
All this, indeed, creates difficulties in the quest for an adequate meth-
odology and the most appropriate methods to be used in the study
of alterity. The difficulties multiply when considering the chronologi-
cal span (sixth to ninth century), as the geographic area considered,
including such contact zones as that between the Bulgars and the Byz-
antines; the Khazars and the Byzantines; the Khazars and the Arabs;
the Turks and Uighurs, on one hand, and the Chinese, on the other
hand; the Turks or Uighurs and the Sogdians. Moreover, given that
stereotypes are historical constructions, it is important to understand
the circumstances for the changes of the negative stereotypes about
the sedentary Other.
In this study, however, the alterity is defined not just as a contrast
between the nomadic Self and the sedentary Other, but also as internal
contrasts (the ‘Inside Other’) isolating or marginalizing such groups as
blacksmiths, shamans (magicians, koloburs, and the like), and women,
whose status in the nomadic world was quite different from that in
sedentary societies.
Equally revealing in this respect may be the attitudes towards
groups inside nomadic communities, which were of a religion differ-
ent from that officially accepted within those communities. Shamans,
blacksmiths, and healers had powers within their own community and
for that reason they often found themselves in an ambiguous position
within that community. Therefore, the present study will also touch
upon such things as outward appearance, clothes, manner of speaking,
(^9) Khazanov 1994, 14.