the golden horde and the black sea 177
political messages between Sarai and cairo:131 his career exemplifies the
course of Jochid-egyptian ties in the 1310s, and Genoese relations with the
two Muslim states within this framework.132
Sources record him presenting rich gifts to the Mamluk ruler in 1303/4.133
Sakran, as the egyptians called Segurano, won the favour of the cairo
court to such an extent that the Sultan called him “brother.”134 he cer-
tainly enjoyed an unusual degree of trust in these circles, as proven for
instance by the weight accorded his words when he helped the crown of
aragon in negotiations with egypt in 1306–1308,135 or to an even greater
degree by the incident in 1311/2 when some of his compatriots offended
the Sultan.136 Sakran became famous as a skilled merchant with a wide
network of contacts in the Golden horde as well as in the christian world,
which was difficult or even impossible for Muslim merchants to reach,
especially given the papal embargo against the Mamluks.137 this reputa-
tion made him an ideal trading partner for the Sultan’s court.138
131 Guillaume adam once more: Quod fautor Sarracenorum existat manifeste apparet,
quia cum soldanus aliquam legacionem vellet mittere, vel nuncios, ad imperatorem Tartaro-
rum aquilonis, pro culto sarracenico ampliando, ipse hujusmodi legacionem et nuncios trans-
vehebat. [.. .] Has vero societates duo imperatores per se tractant et firmant, scientibus et
cooperantibus Januensibus, sine quibus has collegaciones inter se minime facere possent, nec
soldanus ille Tartaro imperatori facarios, id est monachos sarracenos, et alios nuncios, ad
pervertendum eum et suum populum, nec Tartarus soldano posset mittere pueros et hujus-
modi encenia pravitatis. Quicquid isti duo, videlicet Tartarus et soldanus, sibi mutuo volunt
mittere, hoc Januenses transvehunt in suis navibus et galeis (adam/Kohler, pp. 525–526, 531;
Kedar, “Segurano,” p. 88).
132 the Dominican accused him and his kinsmen of setting a bad example for his com-
patriots to follow: Non solum autem ipse, et fratres ejus et nepotes et propinqui, per hunc
modum Sarracenis talem fortitudinem prebuerunt, sed et multi alii Januenses, quos, exemplo
suo, attraxit ad similia peragendum (adam/Kohler, p. 526, Kedar, “Segurano,” p. 88).
133 Zettersteen, Beiträge, pp. 129–130, Kedar, “Segurano,” p. 89.
134 Guillaume adam’s account of the Genoese merchant’s closeness to the Sultan may
be suspected of exaggeration; writing to the pope, he can scarcely restrain his rage when
writing of this caput peccati, who works against God and the church to strengthen the
Saracens, enemies of the cross. his account is confirmed however by al-‛aynī, who has
no motive to misrepresent the facts (adam/Kohler, pp. 522–526, tiesenhausen, Sbornik, I,
p. 493, Kedar, “Segurano,” pp. 88, 90).
135 cf. Kedar, “Segurano,” p. 91.
136 a ship returning from the crimea with Mamluk envoys and toqta’s emissaries was
captured by the Genoese of chios. around sixty persons were put up for sale as slaves in
the Syrian port of tripoli, although no buyers came forward. once the Sultan learned of
what had happened, he arrested “frankish” merchants in egypt in retaliation. Segurano
Salvaigo’s intervention helped secure the release of both sets of prisoners (al-Mufaḍḍal/
tiesenhausen, Sbornik, I, pp. 185–186, al-Nuwayrī, ibid., pp. 144–145; Maqrīzī/Quatremère,
II, pp. 101–102; Kedar, “Segurano,” p. 89; Labib, Handelsgeschichte, p. 76).
137 cf. Labib, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 76 ff., 81.
138 there were probably numerous investments made from these quarters, but Mamluk
chronicles only record an arrangement with the qadi Karīm al-Dīn, “chief of the Sultan’s