H. Tonomura
33 Takamure Itsue, Josei no rekishi 1, 382.
34 William McCullough, in “Japanese Marriage Institutions in the Heian Period,” used uxorilocal, virilo-
cal, and neolocal to describe the marriage patterns defined in terms of residences. He relied on Taka-
mure’s work extensively to describe aristocratic marriages in the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries.
His article was translated into Japanese as “Heian jidai no kon’in seido” by Kurihara Hiromu in 1978 and
is cited often by the Japanese scholars.
35 Peter Nickerson, “The Meaning of Matrilocality: Kinship, Property, and Politics in Mid- Heian”;
Hitomi Tonomura, “Re- envisioning Women in the Post- Kamakura Age.”
36 Sekiguchi Hiroko, Nihon kodai kon’inshi no kenkyū I, 31. Tabata Yasuko summarizes these points in her
“Kaisetsu: chūsei, ie to josei no chii,” 251–257.
37 Kurihara, Takamure Itsue no kon’in, especially Part 2, “Takamure gakusetsu no itoteki gobyō mondai,”
169–380. See also “Takamure Itsue no joseishi zō.”
38 Nishino Yukiko, “Shohyō: Kurihara Hiromu, Takamure Itsue no kon’in joseishi zō no kenkyū, 81–84;
Ueno, “Takamure joseishi,” 251–259; Nishikawa Yūko, “Sensō e no keisha to yokusan no fujin,” 246–254.
Also see Sonia Ryang, “Love and Colonialism in Takamure Itsue’s Feminism: A Postcolonial Critique.”
39 Inoue Kiyoshi’s theory was criticized for not giving agency to most of the women themselves, among
other points. See Rekishi kagaku kyōgikai, Joseishi kenkyū nyūmon, 1–18.
40 Kuroda Hiroko, Josei kara mita chūsei shakai to hō, 40 and 49–54. The so- called “Amino joseishi” (women’s
history) enables the history of the marginalized and the itinerant, without a stable institutional base or
restrictions. See, for example, Amino Yoshihiko, Chūsei no hinin to yūjo.
41 See the review of Nihon joseishi (1982) by Takie Sugiyama Lebra. Joseishi sōgō kenkyūkai, Nihon joseishi
and Nihon josei seikatsushi; Wakita Haruko, Bosei o tou.
42 Meanwhile, in 1987, the Collective introduced a single easy- to-read book, Nihon joseishi, which narrates
the entire history of Japan. Twenty- five authors contributed to different sections of this volume, which
was edited by Wakita Haruko, Hayashi Reiko, and Nagahara Kazuko.
43 Hotate Michihisa, Chūsei no ai to jūzoku; Kuroda Hideo, Sugata to shigusa no chūseishi: Ezu to emaki no fūkei
kara. Art historians, such as Ikeda Shinobu and Chino Kaori, contributed greatly toward gendered ana-
lysis. See Ikeda Shinobu, “The Image of Women in Battle Scenes: ‘Sexually’ Imprinted Bodies,” and
Chino Kaori, “Gender in Japanese Art.” Tabata Yasuko, “Women’s Work and Status in the Changing
Medieval Economy”; Amino Yoshihiko, Shokunin uta awase, esp., 58–76, 90–98. Iwasaki Kae’s classic
work, Shokunin uta awase: Chūsei no shokunin gunzō, offers a thorough introduction to various versions of
“shokunin uta awase.”
44 Sōgō joseishi kenkyūkai, Nihon josei no rekishi, 3 vols. Each volume had thirty to forty contributors. Itō
Seiko and Kōno Nobuko, Onna to otoko no jikū, vol. 3. Sōgō joseishi kenkyūkai, Nihon joseishi ronshū, 10
volumes.
45 For example, see Tabata Yasuko and Hosokawa Ryōichi, Nyonin, rōnin, kodomo. On the institutional
arrangement of wet nurses, see in English, Thomas D. Conlan, “Thicker than Blood: The Social and
Political Significance of Wet Nurses in Japan, 950–1330.”
46 Narikiyo Hirokazu, Josei to kegare no rekishi; Katō Mieko, Nihon chūsei no bosei to kegarekan. Also see
Hitomi Tonomura, “Birth- giving and Avoidance Taboo: Women’s Body versus the Historiography of
‘Ubuya’.”
47 Nagahara Keiji, “Joseishi ni okeru Nanbokuchō, Muromachiki,” 160–171.
48 Wakita Haruko, Women in Medieval Japan: Motherhood, Household Management and Sexuality, especially,
chap. 1.
49 Based on a detailed study of Sanetaka- kō ki. Gotō Michiko, “Chūsei kōki no ‘ie’ to sosen saishi:
Sanjōnishike no tsuizenbutsuji ni miru,” 263–279. Also Gotō, Sengoku o ikita kuge no tsumatachi, 92–127;
Gotō, Chūsei kuge no ie to josei. In English, see, Michiko Gotō, “The Lives and Roles of Women of
Various Classes in the Ie of Late Medieval Japan”; Mack H. Horton, “Portrait of a Medieval Japanese
Marriage: The Domestic Life of Sanjōnishi Sanetaka and His Wife,” 130–154. Ebisawa Miki, “Chūsei
kōki no Ichijōke no tsumatachi: ‘ie’ no tsuma, sono sonritsu kiso to keishō,” 244–256. The Ichijō family
managed its decreasing income by sending all but one child into monasteries and convents.
50 Nishimura Hiroko, Sensō, bōryoku to josei 1: Ikusa no naka no onnatachi.
51 Ebisawa Miki, “15 seiki no sensō to josei” and “Nyokikō.” Fujiki Hisashi, Kiga to sensō no sengoku o iku,
186–189.
52 Tabata, Nihon chūsei, 1998, 128–129.
53 See chapters in Ruch, Engendering Faith for a variety of topics covered in individual essays. Diana Y. Paul
was the forerunner in addressing the question of women and Buddhism in the 1970s, in her Women in