350 i n d e x
126– 31; contrasts between India and
Israel, 6– 9; countries favorable to,
190; courtesies not extended to
President Shazar during 1966 visit,
203– 4; diffi culties faced by Israel
citizens of Indian origin, 223, 231;
diplomatic successes of, 137; eff orts
toward recognition and
normalization, 2, 119 (see also
normalization of relations with
Israel; recognition of Israel);
Entebbe Airport rescue, 180– 81;
establishment of, 106– 7 (see also UN
negotiations on the creation
of Israel); exclusion from
Afro- Asiatic community, 164, 167, 174,
190– 96, 223; and Fiji, 234– 35; lack
of enthusiasm for decolonization, 7;
lack of territory-based national
identity, 9; leaders’ admiration
for India, 10– 11, 133; need for British
assistance, 6– 7; negotiations on
creation of (see UN negotiations on
the creation of Israel); nuclear
cooperation with France, 7; origins
of institutionalized isolation,
8, 167, 194; perception of Zionists/
Israel as imperial collaborators, 5– 7,
21, 49, 54– 55, 124; recognition by
other countries, 118, 240, 296n63;
“religious” character, as justifi cation
for India’s nonrelations (see
secularism); self- defi nition as a
Jewish state, 8– 9; similarities
between Israeli and Indian
experiences, 9– 10; sovereign status
not accepted by most Arab and
Islamic countries, 8; technical
assistance to African countries, 137;
technical/military assistance to
India, 4, 21, 113, 199, 215, 241– 42,
256– 58; UN membership, 112, 118,
188– 90, 294n18; “unrequited love
aff air” with India, 2, 58; visas denied
to Israeli passport holders, 217, 223,Islamic prism, 265– 66; and
Afro- Asian solidarity, 170; Arab
refusal to participate in international
conferences if Israel is present,
184; and domestic politics in India,
142– 44; Gandhi’s ac cep tance of
Islamic rationale against Jewish
aspirations in Palestine, 12, 37,
41– 42, 265; impossibility of po litical
equality between Muslims and
non- Muslims in Islamic viewpoint,
54; India’s admissions about
Muslim infl uence, 150– 58; Jewish vs.
Islamic claims to Palestine based on
religious injunctions, 37, 38, 42;
marginalization/denial of Islamic
dimension of India’s policies, 68,
140, 157, 266; marginalization of
Nasser’s secular nationalism, 211;
and nationalist struggle era, 68– 84;
Palestine as part of Jazirat al- Arab,
12, 29, 37, 42, 71; Palestine issue as
Congress Party tool for enhancing
pro- Arab and pro- Islamic credentials
in competition with the Muslim
League, 13, 55, 68– 84; Panikkar on
Muslim solidarity in India, 82;
protests over future of Ottoman
Empire and the caliph (see Khilafat
movement); religious signifi cance of
the Middle East to Muslims
worldwide, 142; traditional Islamic
attitude toward Jews (Dhimmi
paradigm), 12, 54, 276n17; and UN
negotiations on the creation of
Israel, 92– 97. See also Khilafat
movement; Middle East and Arab
countries; Muslim population of
India; Pakistan; partition of the
Indian subcontinent; Rabat Islamic
summit
Israel: Arab po liti cal and economic
boycott, 174– 76; Camp David
accords (1978), 218– 19, 232; consular
and immigration offi ces in India,