The Ancient Greek Economy. Markets, Households and City-States

(Rick Simeone) #1

146 EDwARD M. HARRIS


55 See Millett in Finley 1985a: xxi–xxii.
56 For the size of estates owned by those in the liturgical class see Davies 1971 : xx–xxii.
57 Cf. Isoc. 7.33–34.
58 Cf. Finley 1985a: 274 note 72.
59 Andreyev 1974 : 21 notes that half of the creditors come from areas near the property, but
this is not as significant as the fact that half do not.
60 The action brought against those who violated a contract was the dike blabes. Pringsheim
1950 : 13–57 argued that there were no consensual contracts in Greek law, and Wolff 1957
believed that agreements reached by mutual consent of the parties were not binding but only
those in which there was the transfer of a physical object for a set purpose (Zweckverfügung).
This view has met with much criticism and is not widely accepted. I plan to discuss this
issue elsewhere.
61 Finley 1985a: 117 assumed that there were no laws regulating real security in Athens and that
this reflected the low level of economic activity at Athens. For criticism of this assumption
see Harris 2008b.
62 On this law see Harris 1993a: 92–4 (= Harris 2006 : 234–8).
63 Poll. Onom. 8.38 with Harrison 1971 : 93–4.
64 For the law being simple and easy to understand see Dem. 20.93. One could hire a logogra-
pher to write a speech or ask a synegoros to speak on one’s behalf, but these services were
not necessary. On logographer see Lavency 1964. On synegoroi see Rubinstein 2000. Nor
does it appear that they were very expensive: several of the litigants for whom Lysias wrote
speeches were clearly not wealthy (Lys. 1; 24).
65 See Ar. Nub. 37 with MacDowell 2010 : 154–5.
66 On debt-bondage in Athens and other Greek communities see Harris 2002b (= Harris
2006 : 249–70).
67 For debt-bondage at Gortyn see Kristensen  2004.
68 IG XII 5, 872–7 (fourth century BCE).
69 IG XII 5, 872. See in general Étienne 1990 :  50–84. For a good summary see Faraguna
2000 : 87–92.
70 IG XII 5, 872, lines 74–5, 113–19.
71 See Étienne 1990 : 55–7.
72 For the terms used to describe properties and their contents see Étienne 1990 : 25–7.
73 For the locations of these regions see Étienne 1990 : 28–30.
74 Étienne 1990 : 52–4.
75 Pap. Hal. 1, lines 242–52 with the discussion of Faraguna 2000 : 75–82. For the documents
given by the treasurers to the buyer and the seller (katagraphe) see Wolff  1948.
76 Miletus: Faraguna 2000 : 82–4. Samos: Faraguna 2000 : 84–5. Camarina: Faraguna 2000 : 92–6.
Cities in Northern Greece: Faraguna 2000 : 99–108. See also Game  2008.
77 P. Oxy. II 237, 8, 27–43 (edict of M.  Mettius Rufus 89 CE) with Wolff 1978 :  253–4 and
Jördens 2010.
78 This section reproduces much of my analysis in Harris 2013a: 137–42, but I have omitted
the Greek texts of the passages from the inscriptions.
79 On the epobolia, see MacDowell  2008.
80 For this primitivist approach to economic relationships in Classical Athens see Millett 1991
passim.
81 See especially Harris 2006 : 190–9 with the modifications in Harris 2013a and 2013c. Earlier
versions of this essay were presented to the Law in Context Seminar at the University
of Edinburgh and to the Department of History and Archaeology, University of Athens.
I  would like to thank Michele Faraguna for reading over a draft and offering helpful
comments.
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