WHOLE CLOTH 181
wore sleeved garments that, if not imported with the slaves themselves, might
have been created in the home; the slave of Hegeso wears just such a garment
on her mistress’ famous stele. One should, however, note the complaints of the
Old Oligarch ([Xen.] Ath. Pol. 1.10), who claims that he cannot tell the slaves
from the citizens by their clothes because the citizens were no better dressed
than the slaves. The writer might not have been speaking of all slaves, but
rather those, perhaps the most industrious, who were favored by their masters
with new or better quality used garments (Xen. Oec. 13.10).
In addition to clothing, many household furnishings were crafted of textiles.
Vase paintings of the symposion depict embellished mattress covers, pillows, and
throws, but the Attic Stelai are probably more reliable testimony on domestic
textiles (Pritchett 1956 : 203–8). The houses belonging to the Hermokopidai,
certainly the dwellings of wealthy men, were well stocked with both clothes
and textiles, as attested by the numerous textiles appearing in just one house
documented on Stele I (IG i^3 421) – nine amphitapes (pile rugs or blankets;
lines 164–72), one varicolored tapis (rug: line 175), two parapetasmata (cur-
tains or hangings: lines 173, 174, 232), many himatia (cloaks: lines 189–201,
209–10), two knephalla (cushions or mattresses: lines 217, 218), and five epible-
tia (bedspreads: lines 219–23). No textile furnishing has left any trace in the
archaeological record, although curtains might be attested by the metal rings
commonly found in Classical houses (Andrianou 2009 : 99). Curtains proba-
bly served for closing off the inner rooms of houses, where no stone threshold
blocks give evidence for expensive wooden doors.
There was a market in equipment and raw materials for the production
of textiles, whether at home or in the factory setting, as well as for the tex-
tiles themselves. A workshop in the Potter’s Quarter at Corinth was found to
have been producing loom weights, and the stamped impressions on these
and other weights have been suggested as maker’s marks (Stillwell 1952 : 269;
Davidson 1952 : 153); there is evidence of loom weight production at several
sites on Crete in the Hellenistic period, including Trypetos, where the weights
may have been manufactured in order increase household income (Sofianou
2011 ; Tzachiki 2008 ). While some wool may have been produced by a family’s
own flock as suggested at Vari, Pylos, and Tel Anafa, the purchasing of wool
in the market is frequently mentioned in the sources. Gorgo in Theocritus’
Adoniazusai (15.18–20) complains about the poor quality of the wool bought
for her by her husband. The young wife in Xenophon (Oec. 7.36) is also brought
wool, but whether it was purchased or shorn from the family flock is not spec-
ified. Wool in the markets derived from several sources, Milesian wool being
often attested (Ar. Lys. 729; Eubulus fr. 89 K-A; Amphis fr. 27), although wool
came also from Phrygia (Ar. A v. 493) and the Bosporus ([Dem.] 35.34). In the
Frogs (1347), Aristophanes’ Aeschylus parodies Euripides (O r. 1431–1433) as he
sings of a woman spinning flax and selling linen. Aristophanes (Eq. 129) and