A GENERAL MODEL Of LONG-DISTANCE TRADE 311
NOTES
1 Moreno 2007a; Oliver 2007 : 228–59; Bissa 2009 ; van Alfen, Chapter 13 in this volume.
2 An overview in Champion et al. 1984 : chapter 6, with update for northern Europe in
Prescott and Glorstad 2011.
3 Spindler 1994 : 189 for the date.
4 Sherratt 2003 ; Bachhuber and Roberts 2009.
5 Renfrew and Cann 1964 / 1979 ; Tykot and Ammerman 1997 ; Bienkowski and Millard
2000 : 217–18 (Baird); Tykot 2011. A wholly separate long-distance network is briefly noted
for Dufār (Dhofar) by Zarins 1997 : 256.
6 For up-to-date references, cf. Hughes-Brock 2011 : 99.
7 Fell 1951. Cf. the comparably wide distribution of Antrim porcellanite axeheads in the
British Isles outside Antrim in 3800–2500 BCE (Waddell 1991 /92: 32, figure 3).
8 Orlin 1970 ; Veenhof 1995 ; Kuhrt 1998.
9 D’Ercole 2002 : 149–87; Hughes-Brock 2011 : 102–8 with references.
10 Hdt. 4.181–185, with Liverani 2000 and Carusi 2008 : 110.
11 Its origins lie in a visit to Petra in 2010, which was invaluable as much for the museum as
for the site. I therefore owe especial thanks to Kay Prag and Odeh Al Shobaki as ciceroni,
and to Drs Khairieh Amr and Fawzi Zayadine, the authors of two most helpful explanatory
placards on the Incense Route and Nabataean Trade in the Petra Museum. I also thank Dr
Barbara Porter of ACOR and Dr Amr for informative email correspondence, the organis-
ers of the Nabataean Day of the Society for Arabian Studies’ annual conference in London
in July 2011, at which a first inadequate version of this paper was offered, and various
participants on that occasion, especially David Johnson, Michael MacDonald, Christopher
Tuttle, and Robert Wenning, for helpful comments and suggestions. I also thank Michael
Sommer, Bruce Routledge, and other participants for helpful discussion and guidance after
I gave a second, less inadequate version in Liverpool in November 2011. I further thank Sue
Sherratt, Alan Millard, and Helen Hughes-Brock for comments on a near-final draft ver-
sion, and also Edward Harris as editor for correcting errors and calling my attention to one
serious omission.
12 Encyclopedaic compendium in Hackl et al. 2003. Also Kammerer 1929 : 32–78;
Starcky 1966 : esp. 904–40; Hammond 1973 ; Negev 1977 ; Groom 1981 ; Hornblower
1981 : 144–50 and 178; Eph’al 1982 ; Bowersock 1983 , especially chapters 2 and 5; Millar
1993 : 387–428; Avanzini 1997 ; Millar 1998 ; Healey 2001 : 25–37; Sartre 2001 : 411–24;
Schmid 2007.
13 I may be permitted to salute in this respect my colleague Kenneth Kitchen, whose mastery
of all the relevant material is visible inter multa alia in Kitchen 1997a; 1997b; and 2001.
14 For the term, Morley 2007 : 52–4.
15 For linguistic and botanical identifications (not always certain), cf. Hepper 1969 ; Miller
1969 : 98–109; Groom 1981 : 96–164. For perfumes in particular, cf. Reger 2005 with
references.
16 Groom 1981 : 99 (map); Müller 1978: 702–3 (botanical identifications), and 703–9
(terminology).
17 For Yemen in general, see the initial chapters in Daum 1987 , especially by Schmidt; de
Maigret 1999 ; Kitchen 1997b: 128–30 with further references; and especially Simpson 2002.
Quotation from Daum 1987 : 10. Illustration of the Mārib dam by Robin 2002 : 55, figure 16.
18 Detailed overview in Nebes and Stein 2008 ; brief review of chronology in Kitchen
1997b: 133–7. It is proper here to signal both the portrait of the region as now presented
by the papers in Huth & Van Alfen 2010 and the project to create a digital Corpus of South
Arabian Inscriptions which is being directed at Pisa by Prof. A. Avanzini.
19 Imprimis Androsthenes of Thasos (Berve 1926 : II 40 no. 80: FGrH 711), sent by Alexander
around the Saudi peninsula in winter 324/3 (Arr. Anab. 7.20.7). Groom 1981 : 63 has
suggested Anaxicrates on the strength of Strabo 16.4.4, C768, but see Jacoby’s sceptical