AChAEMENID ANATOLIA AND ThE SLAVE SUPPLY 333
of Lewis 2011 that Anatolian and Syrian ethnics are every bit as common as Thracian and
Pontic names, if not more so. Hermippus also refers to slaves imported from the Thessalian
port of Pagasae, as well as ‘tattooed men’ (stigmatias). For a remarkable story concerning a
tattooed man from Thessaly, see IG IV^2 I 121, lines 48–68 (c. 350–300 BCE).
7 Patterson 1982 : 105.
8 Garlan 1987 : 20.
9 Rosivach 1999 : 155, note 105.
10 Braund 2011 : 118–23.
11 See Patterson 1982 : 117–18.
12 Lewis 2011 : 105.
13 De Vries (1996): 453. During the Achaemenid period Phrygia exhibited many of the hall-
marks of a collapsed state: see Thonemann (2013): 8-15. The infrastructure of the earlier Iron
Age Phrygian state had long disappeared, and what had replaced it seems to have crumbled
in the face of the Persian advance, leaving a more egalitarian but also a more vulnerable
society; Persian fiscal interference was less pronounced in this satrapy, as the relatively low
tribute yields bear out: Dusinberre (2013): 35-42. As Thonemann (2013: 15) states, ‘To put
it crudely, for a Phrygian villager in 400 BC, the risk of being carted off as a slave to the
Athenian silver-mines was offset by the certainty of never having to pay tax to anyone.’
14 De Vries 1997 : 449–50. For Greek transport amphoras at Gordion, see Lawall 1997 , who
does chart a slight decline in Chian amphora imports during the fifth century.
15 Ezekiel 27:13 with Block 1998 : 72–3 (I owe the latter reference to Davies, Chapter 13 in this
volume).
16 ‘Medices et Aesepus hominess de republica optime meriti; quia non ipsis, sed liberis honores
tribuuntur, illos pro patria mortem oppetiisse probabile est’ (SIG³ p. 5).
17 Rubinstein 2009.
18 Slaves: Hermippus fr. 63 K-A. Phrygia was noted for its cavalry, and must have bred many
horses: Xen. Ages. 1. 2 ; Hell. 3.4.15; Cyr. 7.4.10. Central Anatolia also produced horses for the
Levantine market during the early sixth century: Ezekiel 27:14 with Block 1998 : 73–4.
19 One should not underestimate the importance of such revenues to a state that did not
impose direct taxation on its citizens. Cf. Zanzibar at the end of the eighteenth cen-
tury – this island’s revenues were predominantly derived from taxes on slave sales: see
Beachey 1976 : 38. For the importance of import/export taxes to polis revenues, see Bresson
2000 : 243–61.
20 This is pure guesswork, but it seems to me that the most likely interpretation is that Aisepos
is the legendary ancestor of Manes’ family. That would explain why he is not separately
awarded honours in the inscription and would fit an interpretation of Manes as a local
dynast or ‘big-man.’ Aisepos is the name of a river not far from Cyzicus, which may suggest
local connections.
21 Mirko Canevaro suggests to me that Manes may have been a foreigner who was a natural-
ized citizen of Cyzicus; this is quite possible, but does not affect the argument pursued here.
22 Cf. Woolmer, Chapter 3 in this volume.
23 Even Finley, whose view that the ancient economy was undeveloped is well known, thought
that barbarian slaves were mainly obtained through trade with local ‘big men’ (as argued
here) rather than predatory raids on natives (Finley 1968a: 172). Such raids may have been
more significant during the period of colonial settlement than later (Rihll 1993 ).
24 A similar pattern is observable for other reservoirs of supply. See Gavriljuk 2003 on Scythia,
who emphasizes peaceful trade between Greeks and non-Greeks, and Avram 2007a: 247,
who draws attention to a Thracian king’s haul of 1,000 slaves from a neighboring tribe and
his arrangements to sell them (Xen. An. 7.4.2). For the exchange of salt for slaves in the
Thracian hinterland, see Carusi, Chapter 15 in this volume. On the export of slaves from the
Thraceward region see Archibald 2013 : 118–23; 126–8.
25 See supra note 4. For other ‘mechanisms of enslavement’ see Lewis 2011 : 108–9 for specu-
lative suggestions.