112 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
in the amount of tax- and rent- grain, brought stability to the system of
supply, and ensured that Rome would avoid dangerous shortages except in
conditions of civil war. It is in this context that we can begin to talk of
government import targets.
At what levels would such targets have been set? Emperors and prefects
of the grain supply appreciated that the amount of grain fl owing into Rome
varied from year to year in accordance with fl uctuations in harvest levels in
surplus- producing areas and the vagaries of the weather at sea. To be sure of
building up adequate reserve stocks in all years, and to allow for damage to
grain in transit or storage, the government had to set high targets, higher
than estimates of real consumption, whatever rough- and-ready estimates
existed.
Import targets or no, the consequence is the same. Rome imported much
more grain than it needed.
We come now to the mechanisms of supply and the extent of government
involvement. A preliminary point is that the state was not concerned with
the import of items of consumption apart from grain for most of our period.
Septimius Severus (193–212) is said to have added rations of oil ( SHA Sept.
Sev. 18.3), and Aurelian (270–275) free pork and cheap wine ( SHA Aurel.
35.2, 48.1). It was once brought home to Augustus that wine was expensive
and in short supply. His answer was that it was enough that water was a
‘free good’ in Rome: ‘My son- in-law Agrippa has taken good care, by
building several aqueducts, that people shall not go thirsty.’ But Augustus
was also hostile to the grain dole in principle. He is said to have toyed with
the idea of scrapping it altogether, but knew that for political reasons he
could not (Suetonius, Aug. 42.1,3). He did, however, substantially reduce
the number of recipients. Less secure or more indulgent emperors gradually
extended the range of goods in which the government was interested.
Prefects of the grain supply are commemorated at Rome by oil traders from
both Africa and Spain in the fi rst half of the second century ( CIL VI
1620,1625b). We may speculate that these offi cials had been authorized to
buy olive oil and wine on a regular basis from bulk suppliers. This practice,
coupled with the transport under contract of the same products, more
especially oil, originating on imperial estates, would have made for an easy
transition when the government eventually undertook the obligation to
supply and hand out these commodities to the people of Rome.
The government did not exercise direct control over the grain supply
system at all stages. The production, storage and processing of the grain can
be dealt with briefl y; collection and transport are more problematic. The
bulk of the grain that reached Rome was grown on private property. It was
exacted (as tax or requisition) or bought by the government or sold in the
market. The contribution of rent- grain from public and imperial estates
(unattested but probable) is likely to have been much less signifi cant. On the
other hand, it is also likely to have increased, as confi scations and legacies
brought more good- quality arable into imperial possession. In the matter of