Ancient Economies of the Northern Aegean. Fifth to First Centuries BC

(Greg DeLong) #1

The laconic phrases of both historians underplay the magnetic attraction
of the north Aegean as a source of potential enrichment. In the aftermath
of the Peloponnesian War, when the Athenians had drained their cash
reserves, the continuing attractiveness of this zone was all too apparent
to those, like Xenophon and his fellow mercenaries, whose strength in
numbers terrified all but the most powerful states. The Spartan garrison
force of Byzantion barred the city’s gates against them (Anab. 7.1.12),
and the subsequent irruption of mercenaries back into the city caused
panic, a plan to call in the garrison from Calchedon, and severe terms for
any mercenaries caught in the city (Anab. 7.1.19–20). An army not far
short of 6,000 men running amok was a serious problem. Seuthes
managed to negotiate his way out of Xenophon’s challenge. This reso-
lution focuses attention on the more vulnerable inhabitants of the region.
The capture of people for the purpose of ransom or enslavement is
mentioned at various stages of the narrative. The ‘Cyreans’ are
threatened with enslavement if they were to remain in Byzantion
(Anab. 7.1.36). We later hear of 400 meeting this fate at the hands of
the incoming governor, Aristarchos (7.2.6). The way in which innocent
individuals mightfind themselves being enslaved is illustrated later in the
narrative, when Xenophon and his mercenary hoplites, recently coming
into the employ of Seuthes, captured some villages near the Strandja
mountains.^80 Xenophon himself is quite relaxed about the idea that the
local people shouldfind themselves being enslaved (7.4.24), simply
because some of the inhabitants of the village that the‘Cyreans’had
attacked attempted to resist the destruction of their property (7.4.17–18).
The historian uses different terms to describe people who were under the
control of others; but the existence of people of unfree status in north
Aegean societies is apparent, even if this status may have been different
from people who found themselves being shipped out to other regions.
Seuthes himself owned or controlled people, who could be reassigned as
gifts to others, as if they were horses or cattle (7.2.2). However, the
language of negotiation between Seuthes and Xenophon shows that the
Greek historian’s narrative abbreviates important social nuances about
gender and about status. Seuthes offers Xenophon his daughter and


(^80) Xen.Anab. 7.3.48 (about 1,000 captives, 1,000 oxen, and‘10,000’other cattle); 7.6.26
(Xenophon speaks of the mercenaries’putative intentions of taking slaves and cattle from
Thracian villages); 7.7.53 (one talent [in money? as ingots?], 600 oxen, 4,000 sheep and 120
slaves, part payment of mercenary pay by Seuthes); Stronk 1995, 221, 263, 280,ad loc;other
references to captured individuals: 6.6.1 (oiketes); 7.2.2 (Kleanor and Phryniskos given a
horse and a woman respectively by Seuthes); the more familiar termandrapodon/andra-
podaappears at 6.3.3; 6.6.1, 38.
Societies and economies 117

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