Black Sea can be seen simultaneously. What this legend represents is a
different kind of understanding of geography and topography from the
scientific observation that we are used to. Livy may not have been
curious about a mountain from which you could see half the known
world; but for Philip, knowledge really did mean power. He could not
afford not to know what others might know. Athenian philosophers
may have downplayed technological know-how, but anyone with ser-
ious aspirations was bound to take the opposite view. The kings of
Macedon were pioneers in the development of new military hardware,
which promised to deliver real assets, but which also swallowed
resource.^82
Since the Roman settlement of international affairs in the Aegean at
Apameia, following the defeat of Antiochos III at the battle of Magnesia,
Philip had busied himself with enhancing his state revenues and the
general prosperity of Macedonia.^83 This involved various infrastructure
projects, such as road and bridge building in Thrace, as well as in
Macedonian-administered territories, which might have military as
well as civilian benefits.^84 These ambitious projects required resource,
in terms of capital, manpower, and materials; thus money, metal,
stone, and timber. Metals were critical to any and every operation.
Philip’s interest in existing, old, and new mines was not just a bit of
useful enterprise, but a necessity. His acknowledged interest in Philip
II as a model of kingship no doubt extended to his illustrious prede-
cessor’s success with the gold mines at Krenides-Philippoi, which
proved to be so critical to the economic success of the MacedonianHaimos range in spring 335 (ArrianAnab. 1.1.5), using seasoned troops. Theopompos
apparently thought that a subterranean passage must link the Adriatic and Aegean seas
(Strabo found this hard to believe: Strab. 7.5.9 = Theop.FrGHist115 F 129).(^82) Cuomo 2007, 22–43, esp. 25–32 gives an acute analysis of the antipathy of philoso-
phers towards technology; ibid. 41–76 on Macedonian military achievements.‘In sum,
despite the persistence of voices that opposed the old way to the new, it can be said that the
Hellenistic military revolution consisted at least in part of a change in mentality, attitude, or
what we could call ethics—the military leader embraced characteristics usually associated
with technical knowledge and expertise.’(ibid. 73)
(^83) ‘Not only did he increase the revenues of his kingdom by taxes on agricultural
produce and by import and export duties [24.2:vectigalia regni... fructibus... agrorum
portoriisque maritimis auxit]; he also restarted the working of old mines that had long been
abandoned, and opened new workings in many places.’(Livy 39.24).
(^84) ‘When Lucius Scipio followed him [M. Acilius: in 190bc] as consul, and had decided to
take his army to the Hellespont by land, I did not merely give him the right to march through
my kingdom; I also constructed roads, built bridges, and furnished supplies. This I did not
only through Macedonia, but through Thrace as well, and there, besides everything else, I had
to ensure that the local tribesmen would let him pass in peace.’(Livy 39.28).
Thelongue duréein the north Aegean 173