46 dagmar kühn
e. Lipiński thinks that in peacetime the slave trade in the independent
aramaean kingdoms was of minor concern. during these periods, there
was no supply of war captives to become slaves and a stable economic
situation limited the number of debt slaves. a slave had to be bought
for a high price. Furthermore, slaves were regarded as members of the
household and had to be provided for. in contrast, day laborers or sea-
sonal workers were only paid for the limited time of the harvest.61 Later
aramaean contracts from the harran region confirm these ancient agree-
ments for temporary employment. wages were paid in natural goods dur-
ing the grain harvest. the parties involved arranged the conditions and
agreements in the presence of several witnesses and recorded them on
tablets.62
From the aramaean ostracon Kai 233 we learn that slaves had their
names tattooed on their hands.63 Furthermore, Kai 22764 and several
inscriptions of the neo-assyrian period from tell halaf65 confirm the
institution of slavery. apart from the evidence of enslavement of war cap-
tives (Kai 24: 8), we have no information about other forms of slavery
such as that, for example, caused by impoverishment or indebtedness. we
know nothing about the legal status of slaves either, whether the children
of slaves were the owner’s property or if slaves could be freed. Because of
the terminology, it is also impossible to differentiate between free farm
laborers, forced workers, or slaves. all servants, ranging from a high offi-
cial of the king to an ordinary slave, were called ʿbd. therefore, we can
only suspect that day laborers, forced workers, and slaves were employed
in agriculture as well as in urban building projects.
1.6.2 Estates and Properties
the size of the average nuclear family has already been discussed in the
context of the harran census lists from the 7th century B.c., after the
assyrian annexation.66 the lists also provide evidence about the prop-
erty of farmers and the size of their estates. Farmers could own cows,
61 Lipiński 2000a: 551f.
62 Lipiński 2000a: 552f.
63 dion 1997: 288.
64 donner apud donner – röllig 3–51971–2002: 277f already had suspected a slave pur-
chase for Kai 227. Lemaire 2001b: 64–68 confirms this view and uses the formal similarity
with other aramaic clay tablets as argument.
65 weidner 1940 = 1967: no. 23; ungnad 1940 = 1967: nos. 103, 109, 111.
66 cf. supra chapter 1.4.