The “Golden Age” as a Political Agenda 207
old law, the anonymous author continues, demands that the sultan appoint a
grand vizier as “an agent of governing power” (vekil-i saltanat): the latter was
to ensure justice and equity, punish oppression, and ensure that every subject
enjoys peace and well-being. “The fish stinks from the head”, they say; the sul-
tan’s not choosing a wise and honest vizier is the root of all present-day prob-
lems (Y31–35, A630–41). A short note here: Kitâb-ı müstetâb was presented to
Osman II, but the urge to delegate power shows that its author did not ad-
vocate the absolutist plans of his sultan. Furthermore, his advice on military
campaigns does not correspond to Osman’s practices (the Khotin campaign)
or plans (the scheduled Hajj);33 he cautions against new campaigns (Y9–13,
A608–12) and does not deem it necessary for the sultan to participate per-
sonally.34 Even more important, he stresses that the highest officials and the
standing army of the capital should stay with the sultan, whether he leads the
campaign or stays at home (Y17, A616).
As for Koçi Bey, at a first glance he appears to favor a more absolutist point
of view,35 as he uses Süleyman’s example to argue that it would be better if sul-
tans were present in the imperial councils and conducted affairs of state in per-
son. This, however, is only an introductory remark before he argues that grand
viziers should be kept in their post for a long period and rule independently
in their entire jurisdiction, free especially from any interference by the sultan’s
boon companions (A20–21, Ç27–28). The same applies to other officials, from
provincial governors to government scribes, who should be kept in their posts
for a long time and not be dismissed unless they are guilty of bribery or other
crimes (cf. A59–60; Ç77–78; similar advice is found in the second and third of
the Veliyuddin memoranda). In a similar vein, just as Kitâb-ı müstetâb had used
Ebussu’ud’s example, Koçi Bey also stresses that şeyhülislams and other high-
ranking ulema should have a secured, long tenure in their posts (A35, Ç48).
The emphasis on the need for the vizier be a product of a long palace career
instead of being chosen according the sultan’s whim from among his friends
and companions also demands an enhanced and independent position for the
grand vizier (Kitâb-ı müstetâb: Y9–13, A608–12; Koçi Bey: A63, Ç81). The advice
that the palace must be cleansed of “low, undesirable types and city boys” and
33 See Tezcan 2010a, 131–152.
34 The author reverts to this issue at the end of the essay as well, asking whether the failure
of campaigns is due to the absence of the sultan or to other reasons pertaining to the state
of the army (Y36, A641). On the topos of the sultan’s personal participation in campaigns
see Karateke 2012.
35 Abou-El-Haj claims that Koçi Bey’s view of the sultan is that “he possesses charisma ...
and runs public affairs from the center and in person without delegating authority to
anyone” (Abou-El-Haj 2005, 29).