A History of Ottoman Political Thought Up to the Early Nineteenth Century

(Ben Green) #1

208 chapter 5


manned with Albanians, Bosnians, and others of slave origin (kul cinsi), as the
ancient law ordains (in Aziz Efendi’s words: M6), is also a common trope in
Koçi Bey (A32, Ç44).
The views described above seem to point to a plea for an effective delega-
tion of power to the grand vizier and to a more-or-less permanent government
apparatus. Before moving on to conclusions, however, we must note that our
authors often advocate what looks like the centralization of power. According
to the author of Kitâb-ı müstetâb, it is not lawful (kanun değüldür) for viziers
(or other high officials) to grant promotions in salary or fiefs without first sub-
mitting them to the sultan because this leads to undeserved appointments, un-
rest among the janissaries, and problems in the treasury (Y4–5, A603–4). Koçi
Bey, for his part, often speaks against grand viziers who became too strong and
turned their properties into vakfs, alienating them permanently from state con-
trol (e.g. A63, Ç81). As for the Veliyuddin memoranda, they are full of advice on
controlling the posts of the viziers: the first (M129–31) stresses that the number
of viziers should not exceed four and that the sultan should attend the council
in person. This emphasis on the number of viziers is also an obsession of sorts
for Aziz Efendi, who begins his treatise proper with a chapter on “the ancient
law” on viziers. In olden days, he states, the sultan kept four viziers in office,
with their respective stipend fiefs, their stewards who administered these fiefs,
and their retinues. However, since the time of Murad III the number of the
viziers has surpassed this limit; accordingly, imperial lands were distributed to
them and these were farmed out by the viziers to their own household (kapu
kulları). While the present sultan, i.e. Murad IV, reassigned the lands and sup-
pressed the rebels and evildoers, instead of reducing the number of viziers, he
added another three, ignoring the fact that “excess of ministers is the cause of
the poverty of the treasury”. Aziz Efendi’s advice is that the number of viziers
be reduced again to four, that the grand vizier be independent in his office, and
that defterdars lose the rank of a vizier (M4–6). Still, to return to the question
of absolutism, one may claim that too many viziers leads to weak viziers, and
therefore they are easier to control from the sultan’s persepctive; stabilizing
their number to four would contribute to a sort of permanent governing team,
arguably with more independence from the sultan’s personal power.
Finally, another common feature of all these works is the emphasis they
place on bribery. For the author of Kitâb-ı müstetâb, it is the root of all prob-
lems in the system. It has infiltrated the system so much that bribes are given
openly and people who do not use them are considered light-minded. Judges,
in particular, become heavily indebted while waiting for their appointment,
and then have to pay it back by illegally extorting money from the provinces
to which they are appointed (Y23–25, A622–25). Furthermore, according to

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