226 chapter 5
the four-fold division of society as “people of the pen” in their own right, were
now also considered part of the ulema, the same group whom Hezarfen was
sanctifying as the highest pillar.78 Moreover, along with bureaucrats, represen-
tatives of the rational sciences (medicine, astrology) were similarly elevated; it
is tempting to see here not only the influence of Kâtib Çelebi’s scientist culture
(see below, chapter 7) but also a connection with Hezarfen’s reaction to Sunna-
minded juristic reform, as I argued before: the more the professional classes
shared the same place as the ulema, the less the ulema would appear as the
highest and sole guides for society.79
Now, the şeyhülislam is considered equal to, if not greater than, the grand
vizier. Of course, notes Hezarfen, in certain matters the vizier’s post is indeed
higher, as he is the sultan’s absolute proxy and has far-ranging powers with-
in common affairs (I197: hall u akd-i umur-ı cumhur). But, in the eyes of the
sultan, the post of şeyhülislam as “the absolute master in religious matters”
(umur-ı diniyede riyaset-i mutlaka sahibi) is higher, because
state affairs are founded on religion; in fact, religion is fundamental, while
the state was established as its subdivision (devlet umuru din üzerine bina
olunur; din asıl, devlet anın fer’i gibi kurulmuşdur). The şeyhülislam is the
head of religion, the grand vizier the head of the state (yalnız devlet re’isi),
and the sultan the head of both.In light of the earlier remarks on Hezarfen’s possible position against the
Sunna-minded tendencies of his fellow bureaucrats, all this reasoning may
sound contradictory. Yet it should by no means be taken for granted that the
şeyhülislam would take the reformists’ side (and one may remember that, in
Ebussu’ud’s case, it was precisely the şeyhülislam who actually advocated the
sultan’s ability to circumvent the Sharia). More importantly, Hezarfen’s unifi-
cation of ulema, scientists, and scribes somehow undermines the monopoly
of the ulema’s competence to produce authoritative opinions regarding the
world and society. As for the distinction between state and religion, it could
actually be interpreted as an attempt to rule out any ulema jurisdiction in state
affairs, regardless of the higher place Hezarfen cedes to religion and them as its
78 Another instance of the high position Hezarfen grants to scribes is when he notes that,
in the time of Süleyman, many-folded turbans were only used by soldiers, “so as to show
that they were higher than the tradesmen” (ehl-i sukdan mümtaz idi), while afterwards
this headgear was reserved for the members of the divan (I72).
79 On the role of rational sciences in the wider context of Ottoman political and intellectual
life see Tezcan 2010b and Kurz 2011, 176–248.