A History of Ottoman Political Thought Up to the Early Nineteenth Century

(Ben Green) #1

312 chapter 7


becomes unnecessary, as nobody doubts anyone else’s subjection and obedi-
ence. In the fourth stage, however, that of contentment and tranquility (kana ’at
ü müsaleme), people are content with their ancestors’ deeds and do nothing
but imitate them. Those who hold high offices have established their posts for
themselves and for their offspring. Furthermore, the army begins to become
rebellious and ill-disciplined; sending them on campaign is the only way to
keep them under control, with the result that the state has to pay a heavy bur-
den constantly, both in men and wealth. A wise measure for these troubles,
adds Na’ima, is to put a stop to campaigns and to try to reorganize state affairs
instead. Again, the reference to the contemporaneous political situation and
the allusion to the peace policy of his patron is evident, all the more so since
he later claims that the Ottoman state reached the fourth stage during the time
of the disastrous siege of Vienna in 1683, i.e. at the beginning of the long war-
cum-rebellion to which the Treaty of Karlowitz put an end.
Finally, the fifth stage is that of prodigality, excessive expenditure, and even-
tual destruction. Unlike their predecessors, the people of this period become
greedy and chase after luxurious houses and clothing. Even new taxes and dues
cannot cover their expenses; as their needs grow, the state even has to resort
to forced loans, which come very close to confiscation (müsadere). Here again,
however, Na’ima feels compelled to argue that things can be mended even at
this stage, provided campaigns come to a halt first.
As noted, Na’ima was not content with simply copying Kâtib Çelebi’s remarks
on the four classes in light of his medical simile of the body and its humors;
instead, he added his own observations on the merchants. Having expounded
the stage theory, moreover, he expands on these thoughts in this new light. A
small chapter on “the men of the sword and of the pen” (N I: 49–52; Ip I: 37–39)
stresses that at the beginning of a dynasty or state the need for the sword is
greater, while the pen only serves to execute the king’s orders. Similarly, in the
last stages of a state there is again a great need for the sword, overpowering
that for the pen. However, in the middle stages the dynasty, now at the height
of its power, has to rely on the men of the pen rather than the army in order
to control its income and expenses and to carry out its decisions.67 In this
period, kings and viziers respect and care for both the ulema and the scribes.
Even an excess of respect for those classes cannot be detrimental to the state;
only rarely do men of the pen transgress their limits. They are usually moder-
ate in their manners, build houses appropriate to their rank, and, in general,
only benefit the state. Men of the sword, on the contrary, while offering their
lives and souls in war against the enemies of the state, tend to be dependent on


67 Again this is Ibn Khaldun: Ibn Khaldun – Rosenthal 1958, 2:46–47; Ibn Khaldun –
Rosenthal – Dawood 1969, 213ff.

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