Before the Bobbies. The Night Watch and Police Reform in Metropolitan London, 1720-1830

(Jacob Rumans) #1
Notes 179


  1. Radzinowicz, History, vol. III, pp. 49-54; Beattie, Crime and the Courts, p. 65;
    Styles, 'Sir John Fielding and the Problem of Criminal Investigation', pp. 127-49.

  2. H. Fielding, An Enquiry, pp. 116, 130, 144, 15U2.

  3. J. Fielding, An Account of the Origin and Effects of a Police Set on Foot by His
    Grace the Duke of Newcastle in the ~ar 1753, upon a Plan presented to his Grace
    by the late Henry Fielding, Esq. (1758), p. 40.

  4. Radzinowicz, History, vol. III, pp. 13, 5~. Sir W. Mildmay, The Police of
    France: or, An Account of the Laws and Regulations Established in that Kingdom
    for the Preservation of the Peace, and the Preventing of &bberies (1763).

  5. Quoted in Radzinowicz, History, vol. III, p. 60.

  6. See a letter from Fielding to Charles Jenkinson dated 16 Dec. 1761 in The
    Jenkinson Papers, 1760-1766, ed. N.S. Jucker (Macmillan, 1949), pp. 233-5.

  7. St George, Hanover Square, acknowledged to be a well protected parish, spent
    £1431 annually on a night watch force of 61 watchmen and four patrols. See
    Reporl of the Committee Who Were Appointed to Enquire into the State of the
    Nightly Watch within the City and Liberty of Westminster (1772), p. 5. Hereafter
    cited as 1m Westminster Committee Reporl.

  8. Radzinowicz, History, vol. III, p. 62.

  9. CJ, vol. XXXII, pp. 784, 798.

  10. For high constables, see Webb and Webb, Parish and County, pp. 489-502 and
    Styles, 'Sir John Fielding and the Problem of Criminal Investigation', pp. 143-3.

  11. CJ, vol. XXXII, pp. 878-81.

  12. CJ, vol. XXXII, p. 879.

  13. CJ, vol. XXXIII, pp. 879-80.

  14. CJ, vol. XXXIII, pp. 879-80.

  15. CJ, vol. XXXIII, p. 879.

  16. Pari. Hist., vol. XVI, cols. 929-43. The reaction of these members of the House
    of Commons to Fielding's assertion that ballad singers were a source of crime
    supports V.A.C. Gatrell's recent analysis of ballads about hanging as part of a
    shared culture of the gallows, connecting both plebeian and patrician audi-
    ences. Only later in the eighteenth century do the 'respectable' distance them-
    selves from the language, imagery, and the reality depicted in street ballads.
    One could say that the middle and upper classes eventually come to share Sir
    John's perspective. See VA.C. Gatrell, The Hanging Tree: Execution and the
    English People 1770-1868 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 111-48.

  17. CJ, vol. XXXII, pp. 883, 908, 982. For the provisions of the bill, see Radzino-
    wicz, History, vol. III, pp. 71-3.

  18. Rogers, 'Pre-Radical Westminster', pp. 70-106, see especially pp. 78-9.

  19. Rude, WU/ces and Liberty, pp. 80-81, 179-80.

  20. Brewer, 'The Wilkites and the Law', pp. 164-6.

  21. Namier and Brooke ( eds), The House of Commons 1754-1790, vol. III, pp. 632-4.

  22. See my 'St. Marylebone', pp. 454-7.

  23. StJames, Piccadilly, VM, 13 Feb., 19 Feb. 1772. An area that needs further
    investigation is the role that vestry clerks played as conduits or perhaps gate-
    keepers of information for vestrymen. This would shed additional light on
    decision-making at the local level and the channels of communication between
    parishes and between local and central government.

  24. See, for example, St Anne, Soho, VM, 24 Feb. 1772, which seems to imply that
    the provisions of the bill were largely the work of St James, in conjunction with
    other parishes. The vestry agrees to support the bill. See also St Margaret and
    StJohn, Westminster, Joint VM, 24 Feb. 1772 and St Oement Danes, VM, 4
    May 1772; both parishes opposed the bill. Although they do not state their

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