Confucian Statecraft and Korean Institutions. Yu Hyongwon and the Late Choson Dynasty - James B. Palais

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 103 I

really developed a guild-like structure of the za in feudal Japan, nor that tribute masters
of the seventeenth century were exclusively limited to them, rather than to private mer-
chants, or declasse yangban. Tagawa, p. 635, and n.33, below.



  1. Ibid., pp. 528-37, 539, 543-45, 588-96, 6ro-35; p. 627 for the quotation. Tagawa
    has argued that master or private master was used in two ways: private tribute contrac-
    tors who began as hostel-keepers and warehousemen along the banks of the Han River
    in Seoul, or as clerks and slaves of the capital bureaus. He believed that when the term
    was used in this memorial, the Office for Dispensing Benevolence was referring only to
    the clerks and slaves, but I believe that he could not be so positive that it did not extend
    to private masters as well.

  2. Wakita Osamu, "The Social and Economic Consequences of Unification," in John
    Whitney Hall, ed., The Cambridge History of Japan 4 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer-
    sity Press, 199I):99-IIO.

  3. Yi Hyongsok, Imjin chOliansa [History of the Imjin War] 1 (Seoul: Sinhyonsilsa,
    1974):37-43·
    36, Ibid. 3:1253.

  4. Yi Hyongsok remarked that Yulgok's military advice, supposedly given in 1582 at
    the time of a Jurchen attack in the north, was held in such low esteem that it was not even
    recorded in the Sillok. Ibid. I: 1 25-27; 3: I 262-63, 1356-57; Yi I, Yulgok chljnsrJ (Seoul:
    Songgyun'gwan taehakkyo, Taedong munhwa yon'guwon, 1958), pp. 9-ro.

  5. Yi Hyongsok, Imjin chdllansa 3: 1256-59.

  6. Ibid. 1 :88-91.

  7. Ibid. 3:1244-52.

  8. For the Korean-Japanese negotiations leading to the war from 1587-92, see ibid.
    1 :88-1 ro. During the court discussion over Hideyoshi's intentions, one Easterner, Kim
    Song'il, also insisted on the imminence of an invasion. He also refrained from promot-
    ing Yi Sunsin from magistrate to naval commander of Cholla Province. Ibid. 3:1369.

  9. Ray Huang, "The Lung-ch'ing and Wan-Ii reigns, 1576-1620," in F. W. Mote and
    Denis Twitchett, eds., Cambridge History of China 2, part 1 (Cambridge: University of
    Cambridge Press, 1988): 566-67.

  10. Ibid., pp. 511-63; Jonathan Spence, The Search for Modern China (New York: W.
    W. Norton, 1990), pp. 15-21.

  11. Yi Hyongsok, Imjin chOllansa 1 :37-43, 83.

  12. Ibid. 1 :rr6-21. ForYi's survey ofJapanese opinion on the invasion, see 3: 1380-83.
    Jurgis Elisonas, "The Inseparable Trinity: Japan's Relations with China and Korea," in
    John Whitney Hall, ed., The Cambridge History of Japan 4 (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
    versity Press, 1991):268,270; Asao Naohiro, "The Sixteenth-Century Unification," in
    ibid., pp. 70-71, 76-68.

  13. For the Korean-Japanese negotiations leading to the war from 1587-92, see Yi
    Hyongsok, Imjin chdllansa 1 :88-1 ro. Yi Hyongsok made two different estimates of the
    troop strength of the Japanese invaders. The figures in the text are based on the material
    shown on pp. 134-35, which jibes with the figures presented by Elisonas (see below).
    On p. 201, Yi wrote that the total mobilized force in Japan was about 330,000 men, while
    the invading force constituted 200,000 men. About [00,000 men were stationed at Nagoya,

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