Confucian Statecraft and Korean Institutions. Yu Hyongwon and the Late Choson Dynasty - James B. Palais

(Darren Dugan) #1
NOTES TO CHAPTER 19 1127

and the Community Compact," in William Theodore de Bary and JaHyun Kim Haboush,
eds., The Rise ofNeo-Confucianism in Korea (New York: Columbia University Press,
I98S), pp. 323-27; PGSR 9:2Ia.



  1. Tabana Tameo, Chosen kyoyaku, pp. 2 I 3-20. Tabana doubted whether the elders
    really agreed with the plan because only two years later Yulgok told the king that com-
    munity compacts should not be adopted until the poverty of the peasants was taken eare
    of. Ibid., p. 292.

  2. Ibid., pp. 2 I 3-20, 234-38. See p. 2 19 for Tabana's phrase. Tabana also pointed
    out that the MHBG mistakenly recounted that the king had ordered the community com-
    pacts to be carried out in all local communities, ibid .. p. 220.
    2S. Ibid., pp. 221-23. The long text ofYulgok's remarks were only carried in the Sljnjo
    suj6ng sillok [The revised veritable record of King Sonjo], and the two versions of the
    SUlok are slightly different.

  3. Tabana Tameo, CMsen ky()yaku, pp. 223-26.

  4. Ibid., pp. 226-27. Later in the fifth lunar month Sonjo approved a list of regula-
    tions governing etiquette between men of different ages and statuses according to the
    recommendation that Yu Hi:iich'un had made some months before. Ibid., pp. 230-3 I,
    287-90; SiJnjo sujiJng sillok I9:a-b.

  5. For references to this quote and succeeding material on Cho Hon, see n.29.

  6. S6njo sujiJng sillok, 36b-38a; Tabana Tameo, CMsen ky()yaku, pp. 241-43, 247-48.

  7. John R. Watt, The District Magistrate in Late Imperial China (New York: Colum-
    bia University Press, 1972), pp. IOS-18, quotes on pp. 113-14, 117.

  8. Ibid., pp. 119-38.

  9. Ibid., pp. 139-SI; Joanna Handlin, Action in Late Ming Thought (Berkeley and
    Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983), pp. 41-S4, 114, 12S-29, 143-49,
    lSI, IS4, 186-207. Handlin has shed far more light on Ui's humanism than Watt, who
    thought that Lii simply represented the advocates of coercion.

  10. Handlin, pp. 232 -34.

  11. Yi I, Yulgok ChiJllSiJ (Seoul: Songgyun 'gwan taehakkyo, Taedong munhwa yon'gu-
    won, I9S8), I6:2a-7a; Tabana Tameo, Ch()sen kyoyaku, pp. 291-98; Sakai Tadao, "Yi
    Yulgok and the Community Compact," pp. 327-29. As Tabana Tameo has pointed out,
    Yulgok's s6wbn omitted the pledge to support the four categories of obligations and the
    items for the mutual exchange of rites and ritual (ye) included in the Lu-Family Com-
    munity Compact. He retained only five of its articles for aid to the distressed. that is. only
    aid for funerals, unwed young girls, sick families who could not work. and those unjustly
    accused of crime. He did borrow Chu Hsi's provision for the reading of the compact reg-
    ulations at the compact meetings, but he reduced the provisions for food and clothing,
    introduced a different seating order, and omitted any mention of the etiquette to be fol-
    lowed at the meeting, supposedly to fit Korean custom. He reduced Chu Hsi's list of thirty-
    seven "virtuous" deeds and duties to eighteen "so-called good" deeds, of which only eleven
    were identical to Chu Hsi 's emendation of the Lii-Fami ly compact. Instead of the "errors"
    in the Lii-Family compact, Yulgok listed twenty-six "bad" deeds and a number of oth-
    ers in separate articles as well.
    3S. Sakai Tadao, "Yi Yulgok and the Community Compact," pp. 300, 330-33; Tabana

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